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\author{Mohandas K. Gandhi}
\title{Satyagraha in South-Africa}

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Satyagraha\\
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in\\
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South-Africa\\

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Mohandas K. Gandhi
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\newpage
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\begin{center}
\large{To Maganlal K. Gandhi}

\vspace{3ex}
\large{Original editor \& publisher (1928):\\
Navajivan Publishing House\\
Ahmedabad 380014\\
India}

\vspace{3ex}
\large{Translated from the Gujarati\\
by Valji Govindji Desai}

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\par \large{Published by Yann FORGET\\[2ex]
on \today, with \LaTeXe{}.}
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\chapter{Foreword}

\par Shri Valji Desai's translation has been revised by me, and I
can assure the reader that the spirit of the original in Gujarati has been very
faithfully kept by the translator. The original chapters were all written by me
from memory. They were written partly in the Yeravda jail and partly outside
after my premature release. As the translator knew of this fact, he made a
diligent study of the file of Indian Opinion and whenever he discovered slips
of memory, he has not hesitated to make the necessary corrections. The reader
will share my pleasure that in no relevant or material particular has there
been any slip. I need hardly mention that those who are following the weekly
chapters of My Experiments with Truth cannot afford to miss these chapters on
Satyagraha, if they would follow in all its detail the working out of the
search after Truth.

\begin{flushright}
M. K. Gandhi\\
Sabarmati, 26th April, 1928
\end{flushright}

\section{Translator's note}

\begin{center}
(Second edition)
\end{center}

\par This is a reprint of the first edition except for some verbal alterations
suggested by my friend Shri Verrier Elwin who was good enough to go through the
translation at my request.

\begin{center}
(Third impression)
\end{center}

\par I take this opportunity to place on record my indebtedness to Shri C. F.
Andrews, Shri Dattatraya Balkrishna Kalelkar and Shri Abhechand Govindji Desai
who made helpful suggestions when I was doing the first few chapters.

\begin{flushright}
V. G. D.
\end{flushright}

\chapter{Preface}

\par The Satyagraha struggle of the Indians in South Africa lasted
eight years. The term Satyagraha was invented and employed in connection
therewith. I had long entertained a desire to write a history of that struggle
myself. Some things only I could write. Only the general who conducts a
campaign can know the objective of each particular move. And as this was the
first attempt to apply the principle of Satyagraha to politics on a large
scale, it is necessary any day that the public should have an idea of its
development.

\par But today Satyagraha has had ample scope in India. Here there has been an
inevitable series of struggles beginning with the rather local question of the
Viramgam customs.

\par It was through the instrumentality of Bhai Motilal, the
public-spirited good tailor of Vadhvan, that I became interested in the
Viramgam question. I had just arrived from England and was proceeding to
Saurashtra in the year 1915. I was travelling third class. At Vadhvan station
Motilal came up to me with a small party. He gave me some account of the
hardships inflicted on the people at Viramgam, and said:

\par ``Please do something to end this trouble. It will be doing an
immense service to Saurashtra, the land of your birth.''

\par There was an expression of both compassion and firmness in his eyes.

\par ``Are you ready to go to jail?'' I asked.

\par ``We are ready to march to the gallows,'' was the quick reply.

\par ``Jail will do for me,'' I said. ``But see that you do no leave me
in the lurch.''

\par ``That only time can show,'' said Motilal

\par I reached Rajkot, obtained detailed information and commenced
correspondence with Government. In speeches at Bagasra and elsewhere, I dropped
a hint that the people should be ready to offer Satyagraha at Viramgam if
necessary. The loyal C. I. D. brought these speeches to the notice of
Government. In this they served Government and unintentionally, served the
people also. Finally, I had a talk with Lord Chelmsford on the matter. He
promised abolition of the customs line and was as good as his word. I know
others also tried for this. But I am strongly of opinion that the imminent
possibility of Satyagraha was the chief factor in obtaining the desired
redress.

\par Then came the Indian Emigration Act. Great efforts were put
forth to get indenture repealed. There was a considerable public agitation. The
Bombay meeting fixed May 31, 1917 as the date from which onwards indentured
labour should be stopped. This is not the place for narrating how that
particular date came to be selected. A deputation of ladies first waited upon
the Viceroy in connection with this. I cannot help mentioning here the name of
the high-souled sister, Mrs Jaiji Petit. It was she who may be said to have
organised this deputation. Here, too, success came merely through preparedness
for Satyagraha. But it is important to remember the distinction that in this
case public agitation was also necessary. The stopping of indentured labour
was very much more important than the abolition of the Viramgam customs. Lord
Chelmsford committed a series of blunders beginning with the passing of the
Rowlatt Act. Still, I think, he was a wise ruler. But what Viceroy can escape
for long the influence of the permanent officials of the Civil Service ?

\par The third in order came the Champaran struggle, of which
Rajendra Babu has written a detailed history. Here Satyagraha had actually to
be offered. Mere preparedness for it did not suffice, as powerful vested
interests were arrayed in opposition. The peace maintained by the people of
Champaran deserves to be placed on record. I can bear witness to the perfect
non-violence of the leaders in thought, word and deed. Hence it was chat this
age-long abuse came to an end in six months.

\par The fourth struggle was that of the mill-hands of Ahmedabad.
Gujarat is perfectly familiar with its history. How peaceful the labourers
were! As for the leaders, there can hardly be anything for me to say. Still I
hold the victory in this case was not quite pure, as the fast I had to observe
in order to sustain the labourers in their determination exercised indirect
pressure upon the mill. owners. The fast was bound to influence them, as I
enjoyed friendly relations with them. Still the moral of the fight is clear. If
the labourers carry on their struggle peacefully, they must succeed and also
win the hearts of their masters. They have not won their masters' hearts, as
they were not innocent in thought, word and deed. They were non-violent in
deed, which is certainly to their credit.

\par The fifth was the Kheda struggle. I cannot say that in this case
all the local leaders of Satyagraha parties adhered to the pure truth. Peace
was certainly maintained. The non-violence of the peasantry, however, was only
superficial, like that of the mill-hands. So we came out of the struggle with
bare honour. However there was a great awakening among the people. But Kheda
had not fully grasped the lesson of non-violence; the mill-hands had not
understood the true meaning of peace. The people had therefore to suffer. At
the time of the Rowlatt Act Satyagraha, I had to confess my Himalayan blunder,
to fast myself and invite others to do so.

\par The sixth was in connection with the Rowlatt Act. Therein our
inherent shortcomings came to the surface. But the original foundation was well
and truly laid. We admitted all our shortcomings and did penance for them. The
Rowlatt Act was a dead letter even when it was promulgated, and that black act
was finally even repealed. This struggle taught us a great lesson.

\par The seventh was the struggle to right the Khilafat and the
Punjab wrongs and to win Swaraj. It is still going on. And my confidence is
unshaken, that if a single Satyagrahi holds out to the end, victory is
absolutely certain.

\par But the present fight is epic in character. I have already
described our course of unconscious preparation for it. When I took up the
Viramgam question, little did I know that other fights were in store. And even
about Viramgam I knew nothing when I was in South Africa. That is the beauty of
Satyagraha, It comes up to oneself; one has not to go out in search for it.
This is a virtue inherent in the principle itself. A dharma-yuddha, in which
there are no secrets to be guarded, no scope for cunning and no place for
untruth, comes unsought; and a man of religion is ever ready for it. A struggle
which has to be previously planned is not a righteous struggle. In a righteous
struggle God Himself plans campaigns and conducts battles. A dharma-yuddha can
be waged only in the name of God, and it is only when the Satyagrahi feels
quite helpless, is apparently on his last legs and finds utter darkness all
around him, that God comes to the rescue. God helps when one feels oneself
humbler than the very dust under one's feet. Only to the weak and helpless is
divine succour vouchsafed.

\par We are yet to realize this truth, and so I think the history of
Satyagraha in South Africa will be helpful to us.

\par The reader will note South African parallels for all our experiences in the
present struggle to date. He will also see from this history that there is so
far no ground whatever for despair in the fight that is going on. The only
condition of victory is a tenacious adherence to our programme.

\par I am writing this preface at Juhu. I wrote the first thirty
chapters of the history in Yeravda jail. Shri Indulal Yajnik was good enough to
write to my dictation. The subsequent chapters I hope to write hereafter. I had
no books of reference in jail. Nor do I propose to get them here. I have
neither the time nor the inclination to write a regular detailed history. My
only object in writing this book is that it may be helpful in our present
struggle, and serve as a guide to any regular historian who may arise in the
future. Although I am writing without books of reference at hand, I must ask
the reader not to imagine that any single item in this volume is inaccurate or
that there is the least exaggeration at any point.

\begin{flushright}
M . K. Gandhi\\
Juhu, Bombay\\
2nd April, 1924\\
\end{flushright}

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\chapter{Geography}

\par Africa is one of the biggest continents in the world. India is
said to be not a country but a continent, but considering area alone, four or
five Indias could be carved out of Africa. Africa is a peninsula like India;
South Africa is thus mainly surrounded by the sea. There is a general
impression that Africa is the hottest part of the earth, and in a sense this is
true. The equator passes through the middle of Africa, and people in India
cannot have any idea of the heat in countries situated along this line. The
heat which we feel in the extreme south of India gives us some notion of it.
But in South Africa there is nothing of that kind, as it is far away from the
equator. The climate of many parts is so healthy and temperate that Europeans
can settle there in comfort, while it is nearly impossible for them to settle
in India. Moreover, there are lands of great elevation in South Africa like
Tibet or Kashmir, but these do not attain a height of ten to fourteen thousand
feet as in Tibet. Consequently, the climate is dry and cold enough to be
endured, and some places in South Africa are highly recommended as sanatoria
for consumptives. One of these is Johannesburg, the golden city of South
Africa. Only fifty years ago, the site on which it now stands was desolate and
covered with dry grass. But when gold mines were discovered, houses began to be
built one after another, as if by magic, and today there are many handsome and
substantial buildings. The wealthy people of the place have got trees from the
more fertile tracts of South Africa and from Europe, paying as much as a guinea
for a tree, and have planted them there. A traveller ignorant of this previous
history would imagine that these trees had been there for all time.

\par I do not propose to describe all the parts of South Africa, but
will confine myself only to those which are connected with our subject-matter.
Africa is under the Portuguese, and the rest under the British The territory
under the Portuguese is called Delagoa Bay, and this is the first South African
port for steamers from India. As we proceed further south, we come to Natal,
the first British Colony. Its chief sea-port is called Port Natal, but we know
it as Durban, under which name, it is generally known all over South Africa.
Durban is the largest city in Natal. The capital is Pietermaritzburg, situated
inland at a distance of about sixty miles from Durban and at a height of about
two thousand feet above sea-level. The climate of Durban is somewhat like that
of Bombay, although rather colder. If we proceed further inland beyond Natal we
reach the Transvaal, whose mines supply the world with the largest amount of
gold. Some years ago diamond mines were also discovered in one of which was the
world's largest diamond. The Cullinan, so called after the name of the
proprietor of the mine weighed over 3,000 carats, or over 11/3, lb.
avoirdupois, while the Kohinoor now weighs about 100 carats and the Orloff, one
of the Russian crown jewels, about 200 carats.

\par But though Johannesburg is the centre of the gold mining
industry and has diamond mines in the neighbourhood, it is not the official
capital of the Transvaal The capital is Pretoria, at a distance of about
thirty-six miles from Johannesburg. In Pretoria one chiefly finds officials and
politicians and the population drawn by them. It is therefore a comparatively
quiet place, while Johannesburg is full of bustle. As a visitor from a quiet
village, or for the matter of that a small town in India, to Bombay, would be
confounded with the din and roar of the city even so would a visitor from
Pretoria be affected with Johannesburg. It would be no exaggeration to say that
the citizens of Johannesburg do not walk but seem as if they ran. No one has
the leisure to look at any one else, and every one is apparently engrossed in
thinking how to amass the maximum wealth in the minimum of time ! If leaving
the Transvaal we travel further inland toward the West, we come to Orange Free
State or Orangia. Its capital is Bolemfontein, a very quiet and small town.

There are no mines in Orangia like those in the Transvaal, A few hours' railway
journey from here takes us to the boundary of the Cape Colony, the biggest of
all the South African colonies. Its capital, which is also its largest
sea-port, is known as Cape Town and is situated on the Cape of Good Hope, so
called by King John of Portugal as after its discovery he hoped his people
would be able to find a new and easier way of reaching India, the supreme
object of the maritime expeditions of that age.

\par Over and above these four principal British colonies there are
several territories under British ``protection,'' inhabited by races which had
migrated there before the appearance of Europeans on the scene.

\par The chief industry of South Africa is agriculture and for this it is
pre-eminently fitted. Some parts of it are delightful and fertile. The
principal grain is maize, which is grown, without much labour and forms the
staple food of the Negro inhabitants of South Africa. Wheat also is grown in
some parts. South Africa is famous for its fruits. Natal cultivates many
varieties of excellent bananas, pawpaws and pineapples, and that too in such
abundance that they are available to the poorest of the poor. In Natal as well
as other colonies, oranges, peaches and apricots grow in such plenty that
thousands get them in the country for the labour of gathering them. The Cape
Colony is the land of grapes and plums. Hardly any other place grows suck fine
grapes, and during the season they can be had so cheap that even a poor man can
have his fill. It is impossible that there should be no mangoes in places
inhabited by Indians. Indians planted mango trees in South Africa and
consequently mangoes also are available in considerable quantities. Some
varieties of these can certainly compete with the best mangoes of Bombay.
Vegetables also are extensively grown in that fertile country, and it may be
said that almost all the vegetables of India are grown there by Indians with a
palate for home delicacies.

\par Cattle also are bred in considerable numbers. Cow and oxen are better built
and stronger than in India. I have been ashamed, and my heart has often bled,
to find cows and oxen in India, which claims to protect the cow, as emaciated
as the people themselves. Although I have moved about over all parts of South
Africa with open eyes, I do not remember to have seen a single emaciated cow or
bull.

\par Not only has Nature showered her other gifts upon this country,
but she has not been stingy in beautifying it with a fine landscape.

\par The scenery of Durban is considered very beautiful, but that of Cape Town
surpasses it. Cape Town is situated at the foot of the Table Mountain which is
neither too high nor too low. A gifted lady who dotes on South Africa says in
her poem about this mountain that no other gave her such a sense of the unique.
There may be exaggeration in this. I think there is. But one of her points
struck me as true. She says the Table Mountain stands in the position of a
friend to the citizens of Cape Town. Not being too high, it does not inspire
awe. People are not compelled to worship it from afar, but build their houses
upon it and live there. And as it is just on the seashore, the sea always
washes its foot with its clear waters. Young and old, men and women,
fearlessly move about the whole mountain, which resounds every day with the
voices of thousands. Its tall trees and flowers of fine fragrance and
variegated hues impart such a charm to the mountain that one can never see too
much of it, or move too much about it.

\par South Africa cannot boast of such mighty rivers as the Ganges or
the Indus. The few that are there are comparatively small. The water of rivers
cannot reach many places. No canals can be taken to the highlands. And how can
there be canals in the absence of large rivers? Wherever there is a deficiency
of surface water in South Africa, artesian wells are sunk, and, water needed
for irrigating fields is pumped up by windmills and steam-engines. Agriculture
receives much encouragement from Government. Government sends out agricultural
experts to advise the cultivators, maintains model farms where experiments are
carried on for their benefit, provides them with good cattle and seed, bores
artesian wells for them at very little cost and permits them to repay this
amount by installments. Similarly Government erects barbed wire fences to
protect their fields.

\par As South Africa is to the south, and India to the north, of the equator,
climatic conditions there are just the reverse of what they are here. The
seasons occur in reverse order. For example, while we have summer her, South
Africa is passing through winter. Rainfall is uncertain and capricious. It may
occur any time. The average annual rainfall rarely exceeds twenty inches.

\chapter{History}

\par The geographical divisions briefly noticed in the first chapter
are not at all ancient. It has not been possibly definitely to ascertain who
were the inhabitants of Sown Africa in remote times. When the Europeans
settled in South Africa, they found the Negroes there. These Negroes are
supposed to have been the descendants of some of the slaves in America who
managed to escape from their cruel bondage and migrated to Africa. They are
divided into various tribes such as the Zulus, the Swazis, the Basutos, the
Bechuanas, etc. They have a number of different languages. These Negroes must
be regarded as the original inhabitants of South Africa. But South Africa is
such a vast country that it can easily support twenty or thirty times its
present population of Negroes. The distance between Cape Town and Durban is
about eighteen hundred miles by rail; the distance by sea also is not less than
one thousand miles. The combined area of these four colonies is 473,000 square
miles. In 1914 the Negro population in this vast region was about five
millions, while the Europeans numbered about a million and a quarter.

\par Among the Negroes, the tallest and the most handsome are the
Zulus. I have deliberately used the epithet ``handsome'' in connection with
Negroes. A fair complexion, and a pointed nose represent our ideal of beauty.
If we discard this superstition for a moment, we feel that the Creator did not
spare Himself in fashioning the Zulu to perfection. Men and women are both tall
and broad-chested in proportion to their height. Their muscles are strong and
well set. The calves of the legs and the arms are muscular and always well
rounded. You will rarely find a man or woman walking with a stoop or with a
hump back. The lips are certainly large and thick, but as they are in perfect
symmetry with the entire physique, I for one would not say that they are
unshapely. The eyes are round and bright. The nose is flat and large, such as
becomes a large face, and the curled hair on the head sets off to advantage the
Zulu's skin which is black and shining like ebony If we ask a Zulu to which of
the various races inhabiting South Africa he will award the palm for beauty, he
will unhesitatingly decide in favour of his own people, and :n this I would not
see any want of judgement on his part. The physique of the Zulu is powerfully
built and finely shaped by nature without any such effort as is made he Sandow
and others in Europe in order to develop the muscles. It is a law of nature
that the skin of races living near the equator should be black. And if we
believe that there must be beauty. in everything fashioned by nature, we would
not only steer clear of all narrow and one-sided conceptions of beauty, but we
in India would be free from the improper sense of shame and dislike which we
feel for our own complexion if it is anything but fair.

\par The Negroes live in round huts built of wattle and daub. The huts have a
single round wall and are thatched with hay. A pillar inside supports the roof.
A low entrance through which one can pass only by bending oneself is the only
aperture for the passage of air. The entrance is rarely provided with a door.
Like ourselves, the Negroes plaster the walls and the floor with earth and
animal dung. It is said the Negroes cannot make anything square in shape. They
have trained their eyes to see and make only round things. We never find nature
drawing straight lines or rectilinear figures, and these innocent children of
nature derive all their knowledge from their experience of her.

\par The furniture in the but is in keeping with the simplicity of
the place. There would be no room for tables, chairs, boxes and such other
things, and even now these things are rarely seen in a hut.

\par Before the advent of European civilisation, the Negroes used to
wear animal skins, which also served them as carpets, bed sheets and quilts.
Now-a-days they use blankets. Before British rule men as well as women moved
about almost in a state of nudity. Even now many do the same in the country.
They cover the private parts with a piece of skin. Some dispense even with
this. But let not anyone infer from this that these people cannot control their
senses. Where a large society follows a particular custom, it is quite possible
that the custom is harmless even if it seems highly improper to the members of
another society. These Negroes have no time to be staring at one another. When
Shukadeva passed by the side of women bathing in a state of nudity, so the
author of the Bhagavata tells us, his own mind was quite unruffled; nor were
the women at all agitated or affected by a sense of shame. I do not think there
is anything supernatural in this account. If in India today, there should be
none who would be equally pure on a similar occasion, that does not set a limit
to our striving after purity, but only argues our own degradation. It is only
vanity which makes us look upon the Negroes as savages. They are not the
barbarians we imagine them to be.

\par The law requires Negro women to cover themselves from the chest
to the knees when they go to a town. They are thus obliged to wrap a piece of
cloth round their body. Consequently pieces of that size command a large sale
in South Africa, and thousands of such blankets or sheets are imported from
Europe every year. The men are similarly required to cover themselves from the
waist to the knees. Many, therefore, have taken to the practice of wearing
second-hand clothing from Europe. Others wear a sort of knickers with a
fastening tape. All these clothes are imported from Europe.

\par The staple food of the Negroes is maize, and meat when available.
Fortunately, they know nothing about spices or condiments. If they find spices
in their food or even if it is coloured by turmeric, they turn up their noses
at it, and those among them who are looked upon as quite uncivilised will not
so much as touch it. It is no uncommon thing for a Zulu to take at a time one
pound of boiled maize with a little salt. He is quite content to live upon
porridge made from crushed mealies boiled in water. Whenever he can get meat,
he eats it, raw or cooked, boiled or roasted, with only salt. He does not mind
taking the flesh of any animal.

\par The Negro languages are named after the various tribes. The art of writing
was recently introduced by Europeans. There is nothing like a Negro alphabet.
The Bible and other books have now been printed in the Negro languages in Roman
character. The Zulu language is very sweet. Most words end with the sound of
broad ``a''; so the language sounds soft and pleasing to the ear. I have heard
and read that there is both meaning and poetry in the words. Judging from the
few words which I happened to pick up, I think this statement is just. There
are for most of the places sweet and poetical Negro names whose European
equivalents I have mentioned. I am sorry I do not remember them and so cannot
present them here to the reader.

\par According to the Christian missionaries, the Negroes previously
had not, and have not now, any religion at all. But taking the word religion in
a wide sense, we can say that the Negroes do believe in and worship a supreme
Being beyond human comprehension. They fear this power too. They are dimly
conscious of the fact that the dissolution of the body does not mean the utter
annihilation of a person. If we acknowledge morality as the basis of religion,
the Negroes being moral may be held even to be religious. They have a perfect
grasp of the distinction between truth and falsehood. It is doubtful whether
Europeans or ourselves practise truthfulness to the same extent as the Negroes
in their primitive state do. They have no temples or anything else of that
kind. There are many superstitions among them as among other races.

\par The reader will be surprised to learn, that this race, which is
second to none in the world in point of physical strength, is so timid that a
Negro is afraid at the sight even of a European child. If some one aims a
revolver at him, he will either flee or will be too stupefied to have the power
even to move. There is certainly reason for this. The notion is firmly
impressed on the Negro mind, that it is only by some magic that a handful of
Europeans have been able to subdue such a numerous and savage race as
themselves. The Negro was well acquainted with the use of the spear, and the
bow and arrows. Of these he has been deprived. He had never seen, never fired,
a gun. No match is needed, nothing more has to be done beyond moving a finger
and yet a small tube all at once emits a sound, a flash is seen, and a bullet
wounds and causes the death of a person in an instant. This is something the
Negro cannot understand. So he stands in mortal terror of those who wield such
a weapon. He and his forefathers before him have seen that such bullets have
taken the lives of many helpless and innocent Negroes. Many do not know even
now how this happens.

\par ``Civilisation'' is gradually making headway among the Negroes. Pious
missionaries deliver to them the message of Christ as they have understood it,
open schools for them, and teach them how to read and write. But many who,
being illiterate and therefore strangers to civilisation, were so far free from
many vices, have now become corrupt. Hardly any Negro who has come in contact
with civilisation has escaped the evil of drink. And when his powerful physique
is under the influence of liquor, he becomes perfectly insane and commits all
manner of crimes. That civilisation must lead to the multiplication of wants is
as certain as that two and two make four. In order to increase the Negro's
wants or to teach him the value of labour, a poll-tax and a hut tax have been
imposed upon him. If these imposts were not levied, this race of agriculturists
living on their farms would not enter mines hundreds of feet deep in order to
extract gold or diamonds, and if their labour were not available for the mines,
gold as well as diamonds would remain in the bowels of the earth. Likewise, the
Europeans would find it difficult to get any servants, if no such tax was
imposed. The result has been that thousands of Negro miners suffer, along with
other diseases, from a kind of phthisis called ``miners' phthisis.'' This is a
fatal disease. Hardly any of those who fall in its clutches recover. The reader
can easily imagine what self-restraint thousands of men living in mines away
from their families can possibly exercise. They consequently fall easy victims
to venereal disease. Not that thoughtful Europeans of South Africa are not
alive to this serious question. Some of them definitely hold it can hardly be
claimed that civilisation has, all things considered, exercised a wholesome
influence on this race. As for the evil effects, he who runs may read them.

\par About four hundred years ago the Dutch founded a settlement in this great
country, then inhabited by such a simple and unsophisticated race. They kept
slaves. Some Dutchmen from Java with their Malay slaves entered the country
which we now know as Cape Colony. These Malays are Musulmans. They have Dutch
blood in their veins and inherit some of the qualities of the Dutch. They are
found scattered throughout South Africa, but Cape Town is their stronghold.
Some of them today are in the service of Europeans, while others follow
independent avocations. Malay women are very industrious and intelligent. They
are generally cleanly in their ways of living. They are experts in laundry work
and sewing. The men carry on some petty trade. Many drive hackney carriages.
Some have received higher English education. One of them is the well known
Doctor Abdul Rahman of Cape Town. He was a member of the old Colonial
legislature at Cape Town. Under the new constitution this right of entering the
Parliament has been taken away.

\par While giving a description of the Dutch, I incidentally said
something about the Malays. But let us now see how the Dutch progressed. The
Dutch have been as skillful cultivators as they have been brave soldiers. They
saw that the country around them was highly suited for agriculture. They also
saw that the ``natives'' easily maintained themselves by working for only a short
time during the year. Why should they not force these people to labour for
them? The Dutch had guns. They were clever strategists. They knew how to tame
human beings like other animals and they believed that their religion did not
object to their doing so. In this way they commenced agriculture with the
labour of the South African ``natives'' with not a single doubt as to the
morality of their action.

\par As the Dutch were in search of good lands for their own
expansion, so were the English who also gradually arrived on the scene. The
English and the Dutch were of course cousins. Their characters and ambitions
were similar. Pots from the same pottery are often likely to clash against each
other. So these two nations, while gradually advancing their respective
interests and subduing the Negroes, came into collision. There were disputes
and then battles between them. The English suffered a defeat at Majuba Hill.
Majuba left a soreness which assumed a serious form and came to a head in the
Boer War which lasted from 1899 to 1902. And when General Cronje surrendered,
Lord Roberts was able to cable to Queen Victoria that Majuba had been avenged.
But when this first collision occurred between the two nations previous to the
Boer War, many of the Dutch were unwilling to remain under even the nominal
authority of the British and ``trekked'' into the unknown interior of South
Africa. This was the genesis of the Transvaal and the Orange Free State.

\par These Dutch came to be known in South Africa as Boers. They have
preserved their language by clinging to it as a child clings to its mother.
They have an intense realization of the close relation between their language
and their liberty. In spite of many attacks, they have preserved their mother
tongue intact. The language assumed a new form suited to their genius. As they
could not maintain very close relations with Holland, they began to speak a
patois derived from the Dutch as the Prakrits are derived from Sanskrit. And
not wishing to impose an unnecessary burden upon their children, they have
given a permanent shape to this patois. It is called Taal. Their books are
written in Taal, their children are educated through it, and Boer members of
the Union Parliament make it a point to deliver their speeches in it. Since the
formation of the Union, Taal or Dutch and English have been officially treated
on a footing of equality through-out South Africa, so much so that the
Government Gazette and records of Parliament must be in both languages.

\par The Boers are simple, frank and religious. They settle in the
midst of extensive farms. We can have no idea of the extent of these farms. A
farm with us means generally an acre or two, and sometimes even less. In South
Africa a single farmer has hundreds or thousands of acres of Iand in his
possession. He is not anxious to put all this under cultivation at once, and if
any one argues with him, he will say, ``Let it lie fallow. Lands which now lie
fallow will be cultivated by our children.''

\par Every Boer is a good fighter. However much the Boers may quarrel
among themselves, their liberty is so dear to them that when it is in danger,
all get ready and fight as one man. They do not need elaborate drilling, for
fighting is a characteristic of the whole nation. General Smuts, General De
Wet, and General Hertzog are all of them great lawyers, great farmers and
equally great soldiers. General Botha had one farm of nine thousand acres. He
was familiar with all the intricacies of agri culture. When he went to Europe
in connection with negotiations for peace, it was said of him that there was
hardly any one in Europe who was as good a judge of sheep as he was. General
Botha had succeeded the late President Kruger. His knowledge of English was
excellent; yet when he met the King and ministers in England he always
preferred to talk in his own mother tongue. Who can say that this was not the
proper thing to do? Why should he run the risk of committing a mistake it order
to display his knowledge of English? Why should he allow his train of thought
to be disturbed in the search for the right word? The British ministers might
quite unintentionally employ some unfamiliar English idiom, he might not
understand what they meant, be led into giving the wrong reply and get
confused; and thus his cause would suffer. Why should he commit such a serious
blunder?

\par Boer women are as brave and simple as the men. If the Boers shed their
blood in the Boer war, they were able to offer this sacrifice owing to the
courage of their women folk and the inspiration they received from them. The
women were not afraid of widowhood and refused to waste a thought upon the
future.

\par I have stated above that the Boers are religiously minded
Christians. But it cannot be said that they believe in the New Testament. As a
matter of fact Europe does not believe in it; in Europe, however, they do claim
to respect it, although only a few know and observe Christ's religion of peace.
But as to the Boers it may be said that they know the New Testament only by
name. They read the Old Testament with devotion and know by heart the
descriptions of battles it contains. They fully accept Moses' doctrine of ``an
eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth.'' And they act accordingly.

\par Boer women understood that their religion required them to
suffer in order to preserve their independence, and therefore patiently and
cheerfully endured all hardships. Lord Kitchener left no stone unturned in
order to break their spirit. He confined them in separate concentration camps,
where they underwent indescribable sufferings. They starved, they suffered
biting cold and scorching heat. Sometimes a soldier intoxicated with liquor or
maddened by passion might even assault these unprotected women. Still the brave
Boer women did not flinch. And at last King Edward wrote to Lord Kitchener,
saying that he could not tolerate it, and that if it was the only means of
reducing the Boers to submission, he would prefer any sort of peace to
continuing the war in that fashion, and asking the General to bring the war to
a speedy end.

\par When this cry of anguish reached England, the English people
were deeply pained. They were full of admiration for the bravery of the Boers.
The fact that such a small nationality should sustain a conflict with their
worldwide empire was rankling in their minds. But when the cry of agony raised
by the women in the concentration camps reached England not through themselves,
not through their men, ?they were fighting valiantly on the battlefield, ?but
through a few high-souled Englishmen and women who were then in South Africa,
the English people began to relent. The late Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman read
the mind of the English nation and raised his voice against the war. The late
Mr Stead publicly prayed and invited others to pray, that God might decree the
English a defeat in the war. This was a wonderful sight. Real suffering bravely
borne melts even a heart of stone. Such is the potency of suffering or tapas.
And there lies the key to Satyagraha.

\par The result was that the peace of Vereeniging was concluded, and
eventually all the four Colonies of South Africa were united under one
Government. Although every Indian who reads newspapers knows about this peace,
there are a few facts connected with it, which perhaps are not within the
knowledge of many. The Union did not immediately, follow the peace, but each
Colony had its own legislature. The ministry was not fully responsible to the
legislature. The Transvaal and the Free State were governed on Crown Colony
lines. Generals Botha and Smuts were not the men to he satisfied with such
restricted freedom. They kept aloof from the Legislative Council. They
non-cooperated. They flatly refused to have any thing to do with the
Government. Lord Milner made a pungent speech, in the course of which he said
that General Botha need not have attached so much importance to himself. The
country's Government could well be carried on without him. Lord Milner thus
decided to stage Hamlet without the Prince of Denmark.

\par I have written in unstinted praise of the bravery, the love of
liberty and the self-sacrifice of the Boers. But I did not intend to convey the
impression that there were no differences of opinion among them during their
days of trial, or that there were no weak-kneed persons among them. Lord Milner
succeeded in setting up a party among the Boers who were easy to satisfy, and
persuaded himself to believe that he could make a success of the legislature
with their assistance. Even a stage play cannot be managed without the hero :
and an administrator in this matter-of-fact world who ignores the central
figure in the situation he has to deal with and still expects to succeed can
only be described as insane. Such indeed was the case of Lord Milner. It was
said that though he indulged in bluff, he found it so difficult to govern the
Transvaal and the Free State without the assistance of General Botha, that he
was often seen in his garden in an anxious and excited state of mind. General
Botha distinctly stated that by the treaty of Vereeniging, as he understood it,
the Boers were immediately entitled to complete internal autonomy. He added
that, had that not been the case, he would never have signed the treaty. Lord
Kitchener declared in reply that he had given no such pledge to General Botha.
The Boers, he said, would be gradually granted full self-government as they
proved their loyalty! Now who was to judge between these two? How could one
expect General Botha to agree if arbitration was suggested? The decision
arrived at in the matter by the Imperial Government of the time was very
creditable to them. They conceded that the stronger party should accept the
interpretation of the agreement put upon it by the other and weaker party.
According to the principles of justice and truth, that is the correct canon of
interpretation. I may have meant to say anything, but I must concede that my
speech or writing was intended to convey the meaning ascribed to it by my
hearer or reader in so far as he is concerned. We often break this golden rule
in our lives. Hence arise many of our disputes and half-truth, which is worse
than untruth, is made do duty for truth.

\par Thus when truth in the present case General Botha fully triumphed, he set
to work. All the colonies were eventually united, and South Africa obtained
full self-government. Its flag is the Union Jack, it is shown in red on maps,
and yet it is no exaggeration to say that South Africa is completely
independent. The British Empire cannot receive a single farthing from South
Africa without the consent of its Government. Not only that, but Brit,
ministers have conceded that if South Africa wishes remove the Union Jack and
to be independent even name, there is nothing to prevent it from doing so. And
if the Boers have so far not Liken this step, there re are strong reasons for
it. For one thing, the Boer leaders are shrewd and sagacious men. They see
nothing improper in maintaining with the British Empire a partnership in which
they have nothing to lose. But there is another practical reason. In Natal the
English preponderate, in Cape Colony there is a large population of Englishmen
though they do not outnumber the Boers; in Johannesburg the English element is
predominant. This being the case, if the Boers seek to establish an independent
republic in South Africa, the result would be internecine strife and possibly a
civil war. South Africa, therefore, continues to rank as a dominion of the
British Empire.

\par The way in which the Constitution of the Union was framed is worthy of
note. A National Convention, composed of delegates representative of all
parties appointed by the Colonial legislatures, unanimously prepared a draft
Constitution and the British Parliament had to approve it in its entirety. A
member of the House of Commons drew the attention of the House to a grammatical
mistake and suggested that it should be rectified. The late Sir Henry
Campbell-Bannerman, while rejecting the suggestion, observed that faultless
grammar was not essential to carrying on a government, that the Constitution
was framed as a result of negotiations between the British Cabinet and the
ministers of South Africa and that they did not reserve even the right of
correcting a grammatical error to the British Parliament. Consequently, the
Constitution recast in the form of an Imperial bill passed through both Houses
of Parliament, just as it was, without the slightest alteration.

\par There is one more circumstance worthy of notice in this
connection. There are some provisions in the Act of Union which may appear
meaningless to the lay reader. They have led to a great increase in
expenditure. This had not escaped the notice of the framers of the
Constitution; but their object was not to attain perfection, but by compromise
to arrive at an understanding and to make the Constitution a success. That is
why the Union has four capitals, no colony being prepared to part with its own
capital. Similarly, although the old colonial legislatures were abolished,
provincial councils with subordinate and delegated functions were set up. And
though Governorships were abolished, officers corresponding to the rank of
Governor and styled Provincial Administrators were appointed. Every one knows
that four local legislatures, four capitals and four Governors are unnecessary
and serve for mere show. But the shrewd statesmen of South Africa did not
object. The arrangement is showy and entails additional expenditure, but union
was desirable and therefore the statesmen did what they thought fit, regardless
of outside criticism and got their policy approved by the British Parliament.

   I have endeavoured to sketch very briefly the history of South
Africa, as without it, it appeared to me difficult to explain the inner meaning
of the great Satyagraha struggle. It now remains to be seen how the Indians
came to this country and struggled against their adversities before the
inauguration of Satyagraha.

\chapter{Indians enter South-Africa}

\par We saw in the preceding chapter how the English arrived. They settled in
Natal, where they obtained some concessions from the Zulus. They observed that
excellent sugar cane, tea and coffee could be grown in Natal. Thousands of
labourers would be needed in order to grow such crops on a large scale, which
was clearly beyond the capacity of a handful of colonists. They offered
inducements and then threats to the Negroes in order to make them work but in
vain, as slavery had been then abolished. The Negro is not used to hard work.
He can easily maintain himself by working for six months in the year. Why then
should he bind himself to an employer for a long term? The English settlers
could make no progress at all with their plantations in the absence of a stable
labour force. They therefore opened negotiations with the Government of India
and requested their help for the supply of labour. That Government complied
with their request, and the first batch of indentured labourers from India
reached Natal on November 16, 1860, truly a fateful date for this history; had
it not been for this, there would have been no Indians and therefore no
Satyagraha in South Africa, and this book would have remained unwritten.

\par In my opinion, the Government of India were not well advised in taking the
action they did. The British officials in India consciously or unconsciously
were partial to their brethren in Natal. It is true that as many terms as
possible, purporting to safeguard the labourers' interests, were entered in the
indentures. Fairly good arrangements were made for their board. But adequate
consideration was not given to the question as to how these illiterate
labourers who had gone to a distant land were to seek redress if they had any
grievances. No thought was given to their religious needs or to the
preservation of their morality. The British officials in India did not consider
that although slavery had been abolished by law, employers could not be free
from a desire to make slaves of their employees. They did not realize, as they
ought to have realized, that the labourers who had gone to Natal would in fact
become temporary slaves. The late Sir W. W. Hunter, who had deeply studied
these labour conditions, used a remarkable phrase about them. Writing about the
Indian labourers in Natal, he said that theirs was a state of semi-slavery. On
another occasion, in the course of a letter, he described their condition as
bordering on slavery. And tendering evidence before a commission in Natal, the
most prominent European in that Colony, the late Mr. Harry Escombe, admitted as
much. Testimony to the same effect can be readily gathered from the statements
of leading Europeans in Natal. Most of these were incorporated in the memorials
on the subject submitted to the Government of India. But the fates would have
their course. And the steamer which carried those labourers to Natal carried
with them the seed of the great Satyagraha movement.

\par I have not the space here in the present volume to narrate how
the labourers were deluded by Indian recruiting agents connected with Natal;
how under the influence of such delusion they left the mother country; how
their eyes were opened on reaching Natal; how still they continued to stay
there; how others followed them; how they broke through all the restraints
which religion or morality imposes, or to be more accurate, how these
restraints gave way, and how the very distinction between a married woman and a
concubine ceased to exist among these unfortunate people.

\par When the news that indentured labourers had gone to Natal
reached Mauritius, Indian traders having connection with such labourers were
induced to follow them there. Thousands of Indians, labourers as well as
traders, have settled in Mauritius which is on the way to Natal from India. An
Indian trader in Mauritius, the late Sheth Abubakar Amad, thought of opening a
shop in Natal. The English in Natal had then no idea of what Indian traders
were capable of, nor did they care. They had been able to raise very profitable
crops of sugar cane, tea and coffee, with the assistance of indentured labour.
They manufactured sugar, and in a surprisingly short time supplied South Africa
with a modest quantity of sugar, tea and coffee. They made so much money that
they built palatial mansions for themselves and turned a wilderness into a
veritable garden. In such circumstances they naturally did not mind an honest
and plucky trader like Abubakar Sheth settling in their midst. Add to this that
an Englishman actually joined him as partner. Abubakar Sheth carried on trade
and purchased land, and the story of his prosperity reached Porbandar, his
native place, and the country around. Other Memans consequently reached Natal.
Borahs from Surat followed them. These traders needed accountants, and Hindu
accountants from Gujarat and Saurashtra accompanied them.

\par Two classes of Indians thus settled in Natal, first free traders
and their free servants, and secondly indentured labourers. In course of time
the indentured labourers had children. Although not bound to labour, these
children were affected by several stringent provisions of the colonial law. How
can the children of slaves escape the brand of slavery? The labourers went to
Natal under indenture for a period of five years. They were under no obligation
to tabour after the expiry of that period, and were entitled to work as free
labourers or trade in Natal, and settle there if they wished. Some elected to
do so while others returned home. Those who remained in Natal came to be known
as ``Free Indians.'' It is necessary to understand the peculiar position of this
class. They were not admitted to all the rights enjoyed by the entirely free
Indian of whom I have first spoken. For instance, they were required to obtain
a pass if they wanted to go from one place to another, and if they married and
desired the marriage to be recognised as valid in law, they were required to
register it with an official known as Protector of Indian Immigrants. They were
also subject to other severe restrictions.

\par The Indian traders saw that they could trade not only with indentured
labourers and ``Free Indians,'' but with the Negroes as well. Indian merchants
were a source of great convenience to the Negroes, who very much feared the
European traders. The European trader wanted to trade with the Negro, but it
would be too much for Negro customers to expect courtesy at his hands. They
might think it a great good fortune if he gave them full consideration for their
money. Some of them had bitter experiences. A man might purchase an article
worth four shillings, place a sovereign on the counter, and receive four
shillings as balance instead of sixteen, and sometimes even nothing whatever.
If the poor Negro asked for the balance or showed how the amount paid him was
less than his due, the reply would be. gross abuse. He might thank his stars if
things stopped there; otherwise the abuse would be reinforced by a blow or a
kick. I do not mean to suggest that all English traders behaved like this. But
it can safely be asserted that the number of such cases was fairly large. On
the other hand, Indian trader had a good word for the Negroes and even joked
with them. The simple Negro would like to enter the shop and handle and examine
the goods he wanted to purchase. Indian traders permitted all this. It is true
that in this they were not actuated by altruistic motives, it may have had
something to do with their self-interest. The Indian might not miss the
opportunity, if it offered, of cheating his Negro customer, but his courtesy
made him popular with the Negroes. Moreover, the Negro never feared the Indian
traders. On the other hand, cases have occurred in which an Indian tried to
cheat Negroes, but on being , detected, was roughly handled by them. And more
often Negro customers have been heard to abuse Indian trader Thus, so far as
Indians and Negroes were concerned, it is the former who feared the latter. The
result was that trade with Negroes proved very profitable to Indian traders.
And the Negroes were to be found throughout South Africa.

\par There were Boer republics in the Transvaal and the Orange Free
State during the eighties of the last century. I need scarcely say that in
these republics the Negro had no power, it was all a white men's affair. Indian
traders had heard that they could also trade with the Boers, who, being simple,
frank and unassuming, would not think it below their dignity to deal with
Indian traders. Several Indian traders therefore proceeded to the Transvaal and
the Free State and opened shops there. As there were no railways there at the
time, they earned large profits. The expectations of the Indian traders were
fulfilled and they carried on considerable trade with the Boers and the Negroes
as customers. Similarly several Indian traders went to the Cape Colony and
began to earn fairly well. The Indians were thus distributed in small numbers
in all the four colonies.

\par Absolutely free Indians now number between forty to fifty thousands, while
the ``Free Indians'' so called, that is, the labourers who are freed from their
indentures and their descendants, number about a hundred thousand.

\chapter{A Review of the Grievances}

\begin{center}
\Huge{Natal}
\end{center}
\vspace{4ex}

\par The European planters of Natal wanted only salves. They could
not afford to have labourers who, after serving their term, would be free to
compete with them to however small an extent. No doubt the indentured labourers
had gone to Natal, as they had not been very successful in agriculture or other
pursuits in India. But it is not to be supposed that they had no knowledge of
agriculture or that they did not understand the value of land. They found that
if they grew only vegetables in Natal, they could earn good incomes, and that
their earnings would be still better if they owned a small piece of land. Many,
therefore, on the termination of their dentures, began to pursue some trade or
other on a small scale. This was, on the whole, advantageous to the settlers in
Natal. Various kinds of vegetables, which had not been grown before for want of
a competent class cultivators, now became available. Other kinds, which had
been grown in small quantities, could now be had in abundance. The result was a
fall in the price of vegetables. But the European planters did not relish this
new development. They felt they now had competitors in a field in which they
believed they had a monopoly. A movement was, therefore, set on foot against
these poor time-expired labourers. The reader will be surprised to learn, that
while on the one hand the Europeans demanded more and more labourers and easily
took in as many of them as went from India, on the other hand they started an
agitation to harass ex-indenture labourers in a variety of ways. This was the
reward for their skill and hard toil!

\par The movement assumed many forms. One set of agitators demanded
that the labourers who completed their indentures should be sent back to India,
and that therefore fresh labourers arriving in Natal from that time forward
should have a new clause entered in their indentures, providing for their
compulsory return to India at the expiration of their term of service unless
they renewed their indentures. A second set advocated the imposition of a heavy
annual capitation tax on the labourers who did not re-indenture themselves at
the end of the first period of five years. Both, however, had the same object
in view, namely, by hook or crook to make it impossible for ex-indentured
labourers to live as free men in Natal in any circumstances. This agitation
attained such serious dimensions, that the Government of Natal appointed a
commission. As the demands of both these classes of agitators were quite
unfair, and as the presence of the ex-indentured labourers was clearly
beneficial to the entire population from an economic standpoint, the
independent evidence recorded by the commission was against the agitators, who
thus failed to achieve any tangible result for the time being. But as fire,
although extinguished, leaves a trail behind it, the agitation created some
impression on the Government of Natal. How could it be otherwise? The
Government of Natal was friendly to the planters. It therefore communicated
with the Government of India and laid before it the proposals of both the sets
of agitators. But the Government of India could not all at once accept
proposals which would reduce indentured labourers to. perpetual slavery. One
justification or excuse for sending labourers to such a far-off land under
indenture was that the labourers, after completing the indentures, would become
free to develop their powers fully and consequently improve their economic
condition. As Natal then was still a Crown Colony, the Colonial Office was
fully responsible for its government. Natal, therefore, could not look for help
from that quarter too in satisfying its unjust demands. For this and similar
reasons a movement was set on foot to attain responsible government, which was
eventually conferred on Natal in 1893. Natal now began to feel its strength.
The Colonial Office too did not any longer find it difficult to accept whatever
demands Natal might choose to make. Delegates from the new responsible
Government of Natal came to India to confer with the Government of India. They
proposed the imposition of an annual poll-tax of twenty-five pounds, or three
hundred and seventy-five rupees, on every Indian who had been freed from
indenture. It was evident that no Indian labourer could pay such an exorbitant
tax and live in Natal as a free man. Lord Elgin, the Governor-General of
India, considered that the amount was excessive, and ultimately he accepted an
annual poll-tax of three pounds. This was equivalent to nearly six months'
earnings on the indenture scale. The tax was levied, not only on the labourer
himself, but also upon his wife, his daughters aged thirteen years or upwards,
and his sons aged sixteen years or upwards. There was hardly any labourer who
had not a wife and a couple of children. Thus, as a general rule, every
labourer was required to pay an annual tax of twelve pounds. It is impossible
to describe the hardships that this tax entailed. Only those, who actually
underwent the hardships, could realize them, and only those who witnessed their
sufferings could have some idea of them. The Indians carried on a powerful
agitation against this action of the Government of Natal. Memorials were
submitted to the Imperial Government and the Government of India, but to no
purpose except for the reduction in the amount of the tax. What could the poor
labourers do or understand in this matter? The agitation on their behalf was
carried on by the Indian traders, actuated by motives of patriotism or of
philanthropy.

\par Free Indians fared no better. The European traders of Natal
carried on a similar agitation against them for mainly the same reasons. Indian
traders were well established. They acquired lands in good localities. As the
number of freed labourers began to increase, there was a larger and larger
demand for the class of goods required by them. Bags of rice were imported from
India in their thousands and sold at a good profit. Naturally this trade was
largely in the hands of Indians who had besides a fair share of the trade with
Zulus. They thus became an eyesore to petty European traders. Again, some
Englishmen pointed out to the Indian traders, that according to law they were
entitled to vote in the elections for the Legislative Assembly of Natal, and to
stand as candidates for the same. Some Indians therefore got their names
entered on the electoral roll. This made the European politicians of Natal join
the ranks of anti-Indians. They doubted whether the Europeans could stand in
competition with Indians if the Indians' prestige increased, and if their
position was consolidated, in Natal. The first step, therefore, taken by the
responsible Government of Natal in connection with free Indians was that they
decided to enact a law, disfranchising all Asiatics save those who were then
rightly contained in any voters' list. A bill to that effect was first
introduced into the Legislative Assembly of Natal in 1894. This was based on
the principle of excluding Indians as Indians from the franchise, and was in
Natal the first piece of legislation affecting them in which racial distinction
was made. Indians resisted this measure. A memorial was prepared during one
night and four hundred signatures were appended to it. When the memorial was
submitted to the Legislative Assembly of Natal, that body was startled. But the
bill was passed all the same. A memorial bearing ten thousand signatures was
submitted to Lord Ripon who was then Secretary of State for the Colonies. Ten
thousand signatures meant almost the total population at the time of free
Indians in Natal. Lord Ripon disallowed the bill and declared that the British
Empire could not agree to the establishment of a colour bar in legislation. The
reader will be in a position later on to appreciate how great was this victory
for Indians. The Natal Government, therefore, brought forward another bill,
removing racial distinction but indirectly disqualifying Indians. Indians
protested against this as well but without success. This new bill was ambiguous
in meaning. Indians were in a position to carry it finally to the judicial
Committee of the Privy Council with a view to its interpretation; but they did
not think it advisable to do so. I still think that they did the right thing in
avoiding this endless litigation. It was no small thing that the colour bar was
not allowed to be set up.

But the planters and the Government of Natal were not likely to stop there. To
nip the political power of Indians in the bud was for them the indispensable
first step; but the real point of their attack was Indian trade and free Indian
immigration. They were uneasy at the thought of the Europeans in Natal being
swamped if India with its teeming millions invaded Natal. The approximate
population of Natal at the time was 400,000 Zulus and 40,000 Europeans as
against 60,000 indentured, 10,000 ex-indentured and 10,000 free Indians. The
Europeans had no solid grounds for their apprehensions, but it is impossible to
convince by argument men who have been seized with vague terrors. As they were
ignorant of the helpless condition of India and of the manners and customs of
the Indian people, they were under the impression that the Indians were as
adventurous and resourceful as themselves. They could scarcely be blamed if
they thus created a bugbear of the vast population of India in comparison with
their own small numbers. However that may be, the result of the successful
opposition to the disfranchising bill was, that in two other laws passed by the
Natal Legislature it had to avoid racial distinction and to attain its end in
an indirect manner. The position, therefore, was not as bad as it might have
been. On this occasion too Indians offered a strenuous resistance, but in spite
of this the laws were enacted. One of these imposed severe restrictions on
Indian trade and the other on Indian immigration in Natal. The substance of the
first Act was that no one could trade without a licence issued by an official
appointed in accordance with its provisions. In practice any European could get
a licence while the Indian had to face no end of difficulty in the matter. He
had to engage a lawyer and incur other expenditure. Those who could not afford
it had to go without a licence. The chief provision of the other Act was that
only such immigrants as were able to pass the education test in a European
language could enter the Colony. This closed the doors of Natal against crores
of Indians. Lest I should inadvertently do the Government of Natal an
injustice, I must state that the Act further provided that an Indian resident
in Natal for three years before the passing of that Act might obtain a
certificate of domicile enabling him to leave the Colony and return at any time
with his wife and minor children without being required to pass the education
test.

\par The indentured and free Indians in Natal were and still are
subject to other disabilities, both legal and extralegal, in addition to those
described above. But I do not think it necessary to tax the reader with a
recital of them. I propose to give such details only as are essential to a
clear understanding of the subject. A history of the condition of Indians in
different parts of South Africa would take up much space. But that is beyond
the scope of the present volume.

\chapter{A Review of the Grievances}

\begin{center}
\Huge{The Transvaal and other Colonies}
\end{center}
\vspace{4ex}

\par As in Natal, so in the other Colonies anti-Indian prejudice had more or
less begun to grow even before 1880. Except in the Cape Colony, the general
opinion held was that as labourers the Indians were all right, but it had
become an axiom with many Europeans that the immigration of free Indians was
purely a disadvantage to South Africa. The Transvaal was a republic. For
Indians to declare their British citizenship before its President was only to
invite ridicule. If they had any grievance, all they could do was to bring it
to the notice of the British Agent at Pretoria. Still the wonder is that when
the Transvaal came under the British flag, there was none from whom Indians
could expect even such assistance as the Agent rendered when the Transvaal was
independent. When during Lord Morley's tenure of the office of the Secretary of
State for India, a deputation on behalf of the Indians waited upon him, he
declared in so many words that as the members of the deputation were aware, the
Imperial Government could exercise but little control over self-governing
dominions. They could not dictate to them; they could plead, they could argue,
they could press for the application of their principles. Indeed in some
instances they could more effectively remonstrate with foreign Powers, as they
remonstrated with the Boer Republic, than with their own people in the
Colonies. The relations of the mother country with the colonies were in the
nature of a silken tie which would snap with the slightest tension. As force
was out of the question, he assured the deputation that he would do all he
could by negotiations. When war was declared on the Transvaal, Lord Landsdowne,
Lord Selborne and other British statesmen declared that the scandalous
treatment accorded to the Indians by the South African Republic was one of the
causes of the war.

\par Let us now see what sort of treatment this was. Indians first
entered the Transvaal in 1881. The late Sheth Abubakar opened a shop in
Pretoria and purchased land in one of its principal streets. Other traders
followed in his wake. Their great success excited the jealousy of European
traders who commenced an anti-Indian campaign in the newspapers, and submitted
petitions to the Volksraad or Parliament, praying that Indians should be
expelled and their trade stopped. The Europeans in this newly opened up country
had a boundless hunger for riches. They were almost strangers to the dictates
of morality. Here are some statements they made in their petitions: ``These
Indians have no sense of human decency. They suffer from loathsome diseases.
They consider every woman as their prey. They believe that women have no
souls.'' These four sentences contain four lies. It would be easy to multiply
such specimens. As were the Europeans, so were their representatives. Little
did the Indian traders know what a sinister and unjust movement was being
carried on against them. They did not read newspapers. The newspaper campaign
and the petitions had the desired effect, and a bill was introduced into the
Volksraad. The leading Indians were taken aback when they came to know how
events had shaped themselves. They went to see President Kruger who did not so
much as admit them into his house but made them stand in the courtyard. After
hearing them for a while, he said, ``You are the descendants of Ishmael and
therefore from your very birth bound to slave for the descendants of Esau. As
the descendants of Esau we cannot admit you to rights placing you on an
equality with ourselves. You must rest content with what rights we grant to
you.'' It cannot be said, that this reply from the President was inspired by
malice or anger. President Kruger had been taught from his childhood the
stories of the Old Testament, and he believed them to be true. How can we blame
a man who gives candid expression to his opinions such as they are? Ignorance,
however, is bound to do harm even when associated with candour, and the result
was that in 1885 a very drastic law was rushed through the Volksraad, as if
thousands of Indians were on the point of flooding the Transvaal. The British
Agent was obliged to move in the matter at the instance of Indian leaders. The
question was finally carried to the Secretary of State for the Colonies. In the
terms of this Law 3 of 1885 every Indian settling in the Republic for the
purpose of carrying on trade was required to register at a cost of twenty-five
pounds subject to heavy penalties, and no Indian could hold an inch of land or
enjoy the rights of citizenship. All this was so manifestly unjust that the
Transvaal Government could not defend it in argument. There was a treaty
subsisting between the Boers and the British known as the London Convention,
Article XIV of which secured the rights of British subjects. The British
Government objected to the Law as being in contravention of that Article. The
Boers urged in reply that the British Government had previously given their
consent, whether express or implied, to the law in question.

\par A dispute thus arose between the British and the Boer
Governments, and the matter was referred to arbitration. The arbitrator's award
was unsatisfactory. He tried to please both parties. The Indians were therefore
the losers. The only advantage they reaped, if advantage it can be called, was
that they did not lose as much as they might have done otherwise. The Law was
amended in 1886 in accordance with the arbitrator's award. The registration fee
was reduced from twenty-five to three pounds. The clause, which completely
debarred Indian from holding landed property, was removed, and it was provided
instead, that the Indians could own fixed property in such locations, wards and
streets as were specially set apart for their residence by the Transvaal
Government This Government did not honestly carry out the terms of the amended
clause, and withheld from Indians the right to purchase freehold land even in
the locations. In all towns inhabited by Indians, these locations were selected
in dirty places situated far away from the towns where there was no water
supply, no lighting arrangement and no sanitary convenience to speak of. Thus
the Indian became the Panchamas of the Transvaal. It can be truly said that
there is no difference between these location and the untouchables' quarters in
India. Just as the Hindus believe that touching Dhedhs or residence in their
neighbourhood would lead to pollution, so did the Europeans in the Transvaal
believe for all practical purpose that physical contact with the Indians or
living near them would defile them. Again the Transvaal Government interpreted
Law 3 of 1885 to mean that the Indians could trade, too, exclusively in the
locations. The arbitrator had decided that the interpretation of the law rested
with the .ordinary tribunals of the Transvaal. The Indian traders were
therefore in a very awkward condition. Still they managed to maintain their
position fairly well by carrying on negotiations in one place, by having
recourse to law courts in another, and by exerting what little Influence they
possessed in a third. Such was the miserable and precarious position of Indians
in the Transvaal at the outbreak of the Boer War.

\par We shall now turn to examine the position in the Free State. Hardly a
dozen Indians had opened shops there when the Europeans started a powerful
agitation. The Volksraad passed a stringent law and expelled all Indian traders
from the Free State, awarding them nominal compensation. That law provided that
no Indian could on any account hold fixed property or carry on mercantile or
farming business or enjoy franchise rights in the Free State. With special
permission an Indian could settle as a labourer or as a hotel waiter. But the
authorities were not obliged to grant even this precious permission in every
case. The result was that a respectable Indian could not live in the Free State
even for a couple of days without great difficulty. At the time of the Boer War
there were no Indians in the Free State except a few waiters.

\par In the Cape Colony, too, there was some newspaper agitation against
Indians, and the treatment to which they were subjected was not free from
humiliating features. For example Indian children could not attend public
schools, etc., and Indian travellers could hardly secure accommodation in
hotels. But there were no restrictions as to trade and the purchase of land for
a long time.

\par There were reasons for this state of things. As we have already
seen, there was a fair proportion of the Malays in the population of the Cape
Colony in general and of Cape Town in particular. As the Malays are Musulmans,
they soon came in contact with their Indian coreligionists, and consequently
with other Indians later on. Moreover, some Indian Musulmans married Malay
women. How could the Government of the Cape Colony legislate against the
Malays? The Cape was their motherland, Dutch was their mother tongue, they had
been living with the Dutch from the very first and therefore largely imitated
them in their ways of life. The Cape Colony, therefore, has been the least
affected by colour prejudice.

\par Again as the Cape Colony was the oldest settlement and the chief
centre of culture in South Africa, it produced sober, gentlemanly and
large-hearted Europeans. In my opinion, there is no place on earth and no race,
which is not capable of producing the finest types of humanity, given suitable
opportunities and education. It has been my good fortune to come across this
class of people in all parts of South Africa. In the Cape Colony, however, the
proportion of such persons was very much the larger. Perhaps the best known and
the most learned among them is Mr Merriman who was a member of the first and
subsequent ministries that came in power after the grant of responsible
government to the Cape Colony in 1872, was again the Premier in the last
ministry when the Union was established in 1910, and was known as the Gladstone
of South Africa. Then there are the Moltenos and the Schreiners. Sir John
Molteno was the first Premier of the Colony in 1872. Mr W. P. Schreiner was a
well-known advocate, for some time Attorney-General, and later on Premier. His
sister, Olive Schreiner, was a gifted lady popular in South Africa and well
known wherever the English language is spoken. Ever since she wrote the book,
she became famous as the authoress of Dreams. Her love for all mankind was
unbounded. Love was written in her eyes. Although she belonged to such a
distinguished family and was a learned lady, she was so simple in habits that
she cleaned utensils in her house herself. Mr Merriman, the Moltenos and the
Schreiners, had always espoused the cause of the Negroes. Whenever the rights
of the Negroes were in danger, they stoutly stood up in their defence. They had
kindly feelings for the Indians as well, though they made a distinction between
Negroes and Indians. Their argument was that as the Negroes had been the
inhabitants of South Africa long before the European settlers, the latter could
not deprive them of their natural rights. But as for the Indians it would not
be unfair if laws calculated to remove the danger of their undue competition
were enacted. All the same they had a warm corner in their hearts for Indians.
When Gokhale went to South Africa, Mr Schreiner presided over the. Townhall
meeting in Cape Town, where lie was accorded his first public reception in that
country. Mr Merriman also treated him with great courtesy and expressed his
sympathy with the Indian cause. There were other Europeans of the type of Mr
Merriman. I have mentioned these well-known names as typical of their class.

\par The newspapers in Cape Town, too, were less hostile to Indians
than in other parts of South Africa.

\par While it is true that for these reasons there has always been
less race hatred in the Cape Colony than in other parts, it is but natural that
the anti-Indian feeling which constantly found expression in the other colonies
also found its way to the Cape. There too two laws copied from Natal were
passed, namely, the Immigration Restriction Act and the Dealers' Licences Act.

\par It can be said that the door in South Africa, which was formerly wide open,
had thus been almost closed against Indians at the time of the Boer War. In the
Transvaal there was no restriction on immigration except the registration fee
of three pounds. When Natal and the Cape Colony closed their ports to Indians,
they had difficulty in landing on their way to the Transvaal which was in the
interior. They could reach it via Delagoa Bay, a Portuguese port. But the
Portuguese also more or less imitated the British. It must be mentioned that
some stray Indians were able to find their way to the Transvaal via Natal or
Delagoa Bay by suffering great hardships or by bribing port officers.

\chapter{A Review of the early struggle}

\par While considering the position of Indians in the previous
chapters, we have seen to some extent how they withstood the attacks made upon
them. In order, however, to give an adequate idea of the origin of Satyagraha,
it is necessary to devote special space to the endeavours made with a view to
defend Indian interests in the pre-satyagraha days.

\par Up till 1893 there were hardly any free and well. Educated Indians in South
Africa capable of espousing the Indian cause. English-knowing Indians were
mostly clerks whose knowledge of English was only commensurate with the needs
of their occupation and not adequate to drafting representations, and who,
again, must give all their time to their employers. A second group of
English-educated Indians was composed of such of them as were born in South
Africa. They were mostly the descendants of indentured labourers, and if at all
qualified for the work, were in Government service as interpreters in law
courts. Thus they were not in a position to help the Indian cause beyond
expressing their fellow-feeling.

\par Again, indentured and ex-indentured labourers hailed mainly from
Uttar Pradesh and Madras State, while, as we have already seen, the Musulmans
mostly traders and the Hindus mostly clerks, who chiefly represented the class
of free Indians, belonged to Gujarat. Besides there were a few Parsi traders
and clerks, but the total population of Parsis in South Africa did not probably
exceed thirty or forty souls. A fourth group among free Indians was composed of
Sindhi traders. There were two hundred or more Sindhis in South Africa.
Wherever the Sindhi has settled outside India he deals in ``fancy goods,''
namely, silks and brocades, carved boxes and other furniture made of ebony,
sandalwood and ivory and similar goods. His customers are mainly Europeans.

\par Indentured labourers were called ``coolies'' by the Europeans. A ``coolie''
means a porter. The expression was used so extensively that the indentured
labourers began to describe themselves as ``coolies.'' Hundreds of Europeans
called Indian lawyers and Indian traders ``coolie'' lawyers and ``coolie'' traders.
There were some Europeans who were unable to perceive or believe that the name
implied an insult, but many used it as a term of deliberate contempt. Free
Indians, therefore, tried to differentiate themselves from the indentured
labourers. For this and other reasons peculiar to conditions in India, a
distinction was sought to be drawn in South Africa between indentured and freed
labourers on the one hand and free Indians on the other.

\par Free Indians and especially the Musulman traders undertook to
resist the wrongs detailed above, but no direct attempt was made to seek the
cooperation of the indentured and ex-indentured labourers. Probably it did
not occur to any one to enlist their support; if the idea did suggest itself to
some, there was in their opinion the risk of making matters worse by allowing
them to join the movement. And as it was considered that the free traders were
the chief target of attack, the measures for defence were limited to that
class. It can be truly said that free Indians fought well against difficulties,
seeing that they were thus seriously handicapped, that they were ignorant of
English, and that they had had no experience of public work in India. They
sought the help of European barristers, had petitions prepared, waited upon the
authorities on some occasions in deputations, and did what they could to mend
matters. This was the state of things up till 1893.

\par It will be helpful to the reader to bear some important dates in
mind. Before 1893 Indians had been hounded out of the Orange Free State. In the
Transvaal, Law 3 of 1885 was in force. In Natal, measures, calculated to enable
only indentured labourers to live in the colony and to turn out the rest, were
under contemplation, and responsible government had been achieved to that end.

\par I left India for South Africa in April, 1893. I had no idea of the previous
history of the Indian emigrants. I went there on a purely professional visit. A
well-known firm of Porbandar Memans then carried on trade in Durban under the
name and style of Dada Abdulla. An equally well-known and rival firm traded at
Pretoria under the designation of Taib Haji Khanmamad. Unfortunately, an
important law-suit was pending between the rivals. A partner of the firm of
Dada Abdulla who was in Porbandar thought that it would help their case if they
engaged me and sent me to South Africa. I had been just called to the bar and
was quite a novice in the profession, but he had no fear of my mishandling
their case, as he did not want me to conduct the case in the court but only to
instruct the able South African lawyers they had retained. I was fond of novel
experiences. I loved to see fresh fields and pastures new. It was disgusting to
have to give commission to those who brought me work. The atmosphere of
intrigue in Saurashtra was choking to me. The engagement was only for one year.
I did not see any objection to my accepting it. I had nothing to lose as Messrs
Dada Abdulla expressed their willingness to pay my travelling expenses as well
as the expenses that would be incurred in South Africa and a fee of one hundred
and five pounds. This arrangement had been made through my elder brother, now
deceased, who was as father to me. For me his will was a command. He liked the
idea of my going to South Africa. So I reached Durban in May 1893.

\par Being a barrister-at-law, I was well dressed according to my lights and
landed at Durban with a due sense of my importance. But I was soon
disillusioned. The partner of Dada Abdulla who had engaged me had given me an
account of what things were like in Natal. But what I saw there with my own
eyes absolutely belied his misleading picture. My informant was, however, not
to blame. He was a frank, simple man, ignorant of the real state of affairs. He
had no idea of the hardships to which Indians were subjected in Natal.
Conditions which implied grave insult had not appeared to him in that light. I
observed on the very first day that the Europeans meted out most insulting
treatment to Indians.

\par I will not describe my bitter experience in the courts within a
fortnight of my arrival, the hardships I encountered on railway trains, the
thrashings I received on the way and the difficulty in and the practical
impossibility of securing accommodation in hotels. Suffice it to say, that all
these experiences sank in me. I had gone there only for a single case prompted
by self-interest and curiosity. During the first year, therefore, I was merely
the witness and the victim of these wrongs. I then awoke to a sense of my duty.
I saw that from the standpoint of self-interest South Africa was no good to me.
Not only did I not desire but I had a positive aversion to earning money or
sojourning in a country where I was insulted. I was on the horns of a dilemma.
Two courses were open to me. I might either free myself from the contract with
Messrs Dada Abdulla on the ground that circumstances had come to my knowledge
which had not been disclosed to me before, and run back to India. Or I might
bear all hardships and fulfil my engagement. I was pushed out of the train by a
police constable at Maritzburg, and the train having left, was sitting in the
waiting room, shivering in the bitter cold. I did not know where my luggage
was, nor did I dare to inquire of anybody, lest I might be insulted and
assaulted once again. Sleep was out of the question. Doubt took possession of
my mind. Late at night, I came to the conclusion that to run back to India
would be cowardly. I must accomplish what I had undertaken. I must reach
Pretoria, without minding insults and even assaults. Pretoria was my goal. The
case was being fought out there. I made up my mind to take some steps, if that
was possible, side by side with my work. This resolution somewhat pacified and
strengthened me but I did not get any sleep.

\par Next morning I wired to the firm of Dada Abdulla and to the
General Manager of the Railway. Replies were received from both. Dada Abdulla
and his partner Sheth Abdulla Haji Adam Jhaveri who was then in Natal took
strong measures. They wired to their Indian agents in various places to look
after me. They likewise saw the General Manager. The Indian traders of
Maritzburg came to see me in response to the telegram received by the local
agent. They tried to comfort me and told me that all of them had had the same
bitter experiences as myself, but they did not mind such things, being
habituated to them. Trade and sensitiveness could ill go together. They had
therefore made it a principle to pocket insults as they might pocket cash. They
told me how Indians could not enter the railway station by the main gate and
how difficult it was for them to purchase tickets. I left for Pretoria the same
night. The Almighty Searcher of all hearts put my determination to a full test.
I suffered further insults and received more beatings on my way to Pretoria.
But all this only confirmed me in my determination.

\par Thus in 1893, I obtained full experience of the condition of
Indians in South Africa. But I did nothing beyond occasionally talking with the
Indians in Pretoria on the subject. It appeared to me that to look after the
firm's case and to take up the question of the Indian grievances in South
Africa at the same time was impossible. I could see that trying to do both
would be to ruin both. 1894 was thus already upon us. I returned to Durban and
prepared to return to India. At the farewell entertainment held by Dada
Abdulla, some one put a copy of the Natal Mercury in my hands. I read it and
found that the detailed report of the proceedings of the Natal Legislative
Assembly contained a few lines under the caption ``Indian Franchise.'' The local
Government was about to introduce a Bill to disfranchise Indians, which could
only be the beginning of the end of what little rights they were then enjoying.
The speeches made at the time left no doubt about the intention of the
Government. I read report to the traders and others present and explained the
situation to them as best I could. I was not in possession of all the facts. I
suggested that the Indians should strenuously resist this attack on their
rights. They agreed but declared their inability to fight the battle themselves
and urged me to stay on. I consented to stay a month or so longer by which time
the struggle would be fought out. The same night I drew up a petition to be
presented to the Legislative Assembly. A telegram was sent to the Government
requesting a delay of proceedings. A committee was appointed at once with Sheth
Haji Adam as chairman and the telegram was sent in his name. The further
reading of the Bill was postponed for two days. That petition was the first
ever sent by the Indians to a South African legislature. It did create an
impression although it failed to defeat the Bill, the later history of which I
have narrated in chapter Four. This was the South African Indians' first
experience of such agitation, and a new thrill of enthusiasm passed through the
community. Meetings were held every day and more and more persons attended
them. The requisite funds were oversubscribed. Many volunteers helped in
preparing copies, securing signatures and similar work without any
remuneration. There were others who both worked and subscribed to the funds.
The descendants of the ex-indentured Indians joined the movement with alacrity.
They knew English and wrote a fine hand. They did copying and other work
ungrudgingly day and night. Within a month a memorial with ten thousand
signatures was forwarded to Lord Ripon, and the immediate task I had set before
myself was done.

\par I asked for leave to return home. But the agitation had aroused such keen
interest among the Indians they would not let me go. They said: ``You yourself
have explained to us that this is the first step taken with a view to our
ultimate extinction. Who knows whether the Colonial Secretary will return a
favourable reply to our memorial? You have witnessed our enthusiasm. We are
willing and ready to work. We have funds too. But for want of a guide, what
little has been done will go for nothing. We therefore think it is your duty to
stay on.'' I also felt that it would be well if a permanent organisation was
formed to watch Indian interests. But where was I to live and how? They offered
me a regular salary, but I expressly declined. One may not receive a large
salary for public work. Besides I was a pioneer. According to my notions at the
time, I thought I should live in a style usual for barristers and reflecting
credit on the community, and that would mean great expense. It would be
improper to depend for my maintenance upon a body whose activities would
necessitate a public appeal for funds, and my power of work would be thereby
crippled. For this and similar reasons I flatly refused to accept remuneration
for public work. But I suggested that I was prepared to stay if the principal
traders among them could see their way to give me legal work and give me
retainers for it beforehand. The retainers might be for a year. We might deal
with each other for that period, examine the results, and then continue the
arrangement if both parties were agreeable. This suggestion was cordially
accepted by all.

\par I applied for admission as an advocate of the Supreme Court of
Natal. The Natal Law Society opposed my application on the sole ground that the
law did not contemplate that coloured barristers should be placed on the roll.
The late Mr Escombe, the famous advocate, who was Attorney. General and
afterwards also Premier of Natal, was my counsel. The prevailing practice for a
long time was that the leading barrister should present such applications
without any fees, and Mr Escombe advocated my cause accordingly. He was also
Senior Counsel for my employers. The Senior Court over-ruled the Law Society's
objection, and granted my application. Thus the Law Society's opposition
brought me into further prominence without their wishing it. The newspapers of
South Africa ridiculed the Law Society and some of them even congratulated me.

\par The temporary committee was placed on a permanent footing. I had
never attended a session of the Indian National Congress, but had read about
it. I had seen Dadabhai, the Grand Old Man of India and admired him. I was
therefore a Congress devotee, and wished to popularise the name. Inexperienced
as I was, I did not try to find out a new name. I was also afraid of committing
a mistake. So I advised the Indians to call their organisation the Natal Indian
Congress. I laid before them very imperfectly what meagre knowledge I had of
the Indian National Congress. Anyhow the Natal Indian Congress was founded
about May 1894. There was this difference between the Indian and the Natal
Congress, that the latter organisation worked throughout the year and those who
paid an annual subscription of at least three pounds were admitted to
membership. Amounts exceeding that sum were gratefully received. Endeavours
were made to obtain the maximum amount from each member. There were about half
a dozen members who paid twenty-four pounds a year. There was a considerable
number of those paying twelve pounds. About three hundred members were enrolled
in a month. They included Hindus, Musulmans, Parsis and Christians, and came
from all Indian States that were represented in Natal. The work proceeded with
great vigour throughout the first year. The well-to-do traders went about far
off villages in their own conveyances, enrolling new members and collecting
subscriptions. Everybody did not pay for the mere asking. Some required to be
persuaded. This persuasion was a sort of political training, and made people
acquainted with the facts of the situation. Again, a meeting of the Congress
was held at least once a month, when detailed accounts were presented and
adopted. Current events were explained and recorded in the minute-book. Members
asked various questions. Fresh subjects were considered. The advantage of all
this was that those who never spoke at such meetings got accustomed to do so.
The speeches again must be in proper form. All this was a novel experience. The
community was deeply interested. In the meanwhile the welcome news came that
Lord Ripon had disallowed the Disfranchising Bill, and this redoubled their
zeal and self-confidence.

\par Side by side with external agitation, the question of internal
improvement was also taken up. The Europeans throughout South Africa had been
agitating against Indians on the ground of their ways of life. They always
argued that the Indians were very dirty and close-fisted. They lived in the
same place where they traded. Their houses were mere shanties. They would not
spend money even on their own comforts. How could cleanly open-handed Europeans
with their multifarious wants compete in trade with such parsimonious and dirty
people? Lectures were therefore delivered, debates held, and suggestions made
at Congress meetings on subjects such as domestic sanitation, personal hygiene,
the necessity of having separate buildings for houses and shops and for
well-to-do traders of living in a style befitting their position. The
proceedings were conducted in Gujarati.

\par The reader can see what an amount of practical and political
education the Indians thus received. Under the auspices of the Congress, the
Natal Indian Educational Association was formed for the benefit of the young
Indians, who, being the children of ex-indentured labourers, were born in Natal
and spoke English. Its members paid a nominal fee. The chief objects of the
Association were to provide a meeting place for those youths, to create in them
a love for the mother country and to give them general information about it. It
was also intended to impress upon them that free Indians considered them as
their own kith and kin, and to create respect for the latter in the minds of
the former. The funds of the Congress were large enough to leave a surplus
after defraying its expenses. This was devoted to the purchase of land which
yields an income to the present day.

\par I have deliberately entered into all these details, for without
them the reader cannot realize how Satyagraha spontaneously sprang into
existence and how the Indians went through a natural course of preparation for
it. I am compelled to omit the remarkable subsequent history of the Congress,
how it was confronted with difficulties, how Government officials attacked it
and how it escaped scatheless from their attacks. But one fact must be placed
on record. Steps were taken to save the community from the habit of
exaggeration. Attempts were always made to draw their attention to their own
shortcomings. Whatever force there was in the arguments of the Europeans was
duly acknowledged. Every occasion, when it was possible to cooperate with the
Europeans on terms of equality and consistent with self-respect, was heartily
availed of. The newspapers were supplied with as much information about the
Indian movement as they could publish, and whenever Indians were unfairly
attacked in the Press replies were sent to the newspapers concerned.

\par There was an organisation in the Transvaal similar to the Natal
Indian Congress but quite independent of it. There were likewise differences in
the constitutions of the two bodies into which we need not enter. There was a
similar body in Cape Town as well with a constitution different from that of
the Natal Congress and the Transvaal Association. Still the activities of all
the three bodies were nearly identical.

\par The Natal Congress completed its first year in the middle of
1895. My work as an advocate met with the approval of my clients, and my stay
in Natal was prolonged. In 1896 I went to India for six months with the leave
of the community. I had hardly completed that period in India, when I received
a cablegram from Natal asking me to return at once, and so did I. The events of
1896-97 demand a fresh chapter for their treatment.

\chapter{A Review of the early struggle}

\begin{center}
\Huge{Continued}
\end{center}
\vspace{4ex}

\par Thus the Natal Indian Congress was placed on a permanent
footing. I spent nearly two years and a half in Natal, mostly doing political
work. I then saw that if I was still to prolong my stay in South Africa, I must
bring over my family from India. I likewise thought of making a brief sojourn
in the homeland and of acquainting Indian leaders with the condition of Indian
settlers in Natal and other parts of South Africa. The Congress allowed me
leave of absence for six months and the late Mr Admaji Miyankhan, the
well-known merchant of Natal, was appointed Secretary in my stead. He
discharged his duties with great ability. He had a fair knowledge of English,
which had been greatly supplemented by use. He had studied Gujarati in the
ordinary course. As he had mercantile dealings chiefly with the Zulus, he had
acquired an intimate knowledge of the Zulu language and was well conversant
with Zulu manners and customs. He was a man of very quiet and amiable
disposition. He was not given to much speech. I have entered into these details
in order to show, that to the holding of responsible positions, truthfulness,
patience, tolerance, firmness, presence of mind, courage and common sense are
far more essential qualifications than a knowledge of English or mere learning.
Where these fine qualities are absent the best literary attainments are of
little use in public work.

\par I returned to India in the middle of the year 1896. As steamers
from Natal were then more easily available for Calcutta than for Bombay, I went
on board one bound for that city. For the indentured labourers were embarked
from Calcutta or Madras. While proceeding to Bombay from Calcutta, I missed my
train on the way and had to stop in Allahabad for a day. My work commenced
there. I saw Mr Chesney of the Pioneer. He talked with me courteously, but told
me frankly that his sympathies were with the Colonials. He, however, promised
that if I wrote anything, he would read it and notice it in his paper. This was
good enough for me.

\par While in India, I wrote a pamphlet on the condition of Indians
in South Africa. It was noticed by almost all newspapers and it passed through
two editions. Five thousand copies were distributed in various places in India.
It was during this visit that I had the privilege of seeing Indian leaders, Sir
Pherozeshah Mehta, Justices Badruddin Tyebji, and Mahadev Govind Ranade and
others in Bombay, and Lokamanya Tilak and his circle, Prof. Bhandarkar and
Gopal Krishna Gokhale and his circle in Poona. I delivered speeches in Bombay,
Poona and Madras. I do not propose to deal with these events in detail.

\par I cannot, however, resist the temptation of describing here a
sacred reminiscence of Poona, although it is not strictly relevant to our
subject. The Sarvajanik Sabha was controlled by the Lokamanya, while Shri
Gokhale was connected with the Deccan Sabha. I first saw Tilak Maharaj. When I
spoke to him about my intention to hold a meeting in Poona, he asked me if I
had seen Gopalrao. I did not understand whom he meant. He therefore asked me
again if I had seen Shri Gokhale and if I knew him.

\par ``I have not yet seen him. I know him by name and mean to see him,'' I
replied.

\par ``You do not seem to be familiar with Indian politics,'' said the Lokamanya.

\par ``I stayed in India only for a short time after my return from
England, and had not then applied myself to political questions, as
I thought it beyond my capacity; I said.

\par Lokamanya then said: ``In that case I must give you some information. There
are two parties in Poona, one represented by the Sarvajanik Sabha and the other
by the Deccan Sabha.''

\par I replied: ``I know something about this matter.''

\par Lokamanya: ``It is easy to hold a meeting here. But it seems to
me that you wish to lay your case before all the parties here and seek to
enlist the support of all. I like your idea. But if a member of the Sarvajanik
Sabha is selected to preside over your meeting, no member of the Deccan Sabha
will attend it. Similarly, if a member of the Deccan Sabha were to preside,
members of the Sarvajanik Sabha would absent themselves. You should therefore
find out a nonpartisan as chairman. I can only offer suggestions in the matter,
and shall not be able to render any other assistance. Do you know Prof.
Bhandarkar? Even if you do not know him, you should see him. He is considered a
neutral. He does not take part in politics, but perhaps you can induce him to
preside over your meeting. Speak to Shri Gokhale about this, and seek his
advice too. In all probability he will give you the same advice. If a man of
the position of Prof. Bhandarkar consents to preside, I am certain that both
the parties will see to it that a good meeting is held. At any rate you can
count upon our fullest help in the matter.''

\par I then saw Gokhale. I have written elsewhere how I fell in love
with him at this very first sight. The curious may look up the files of Young
India\footnote{Issue of July 13, 1921.} or Navajivan\footnote{Issue of July 28,
1921.} for it. Gokhale liked the advice which Lokamanya had given
me. Accordingly I paid my respects to the venerable Professor. He heard
attentively the story of the Indian wrongs in Natal and said, ``You see I rarely
take part in public life. Then again, I am getting old. But what you have told
me has stirred me deeply. I like your idea of seeking the cooperation of all
parties. You are young and ignorant of political conditions in India. Tell the
members of both the parties that I have agreed to your request. On an
intimation from any of them that the meeting is to be held, I will certainly
come and preside.'' A successful meeting was held in Poona. The leaders of both
the parties attended and spoke in support of my cause.

\par I then went to Madras. There I saw Sir (then Mr Justice) Subrahmanya Aiyar,
Shri P. Anandacharlu, Shri G. Subrahmanyam, the then editor of the Hindu, Shri
Parameshvaran Pillai, editor of the Madras Standard, Shri Bhashyam Iyengar, the
famous advocate, Mr Norton and others. A great meeting too was held. From
Madras I went to Calcutta, where I saw Surendranath Banerji, Maharaja Jyotindra
Mohan Tagore, the late Mr Saunders, the editor of the Englishman, and others.
While a meeting was being arranged in Calcutta, I received a cablegram from
Natal asking me to return at once. This was in November 1896. I concluded that
some movement hostile to the Indians must be on foot. I therefore left my work
at Calcutta incomplete and went to Bombay, where I took the first available
steamer with my family. S. S. Courland had been purchased by Messrs Dada
Abdulla and represented one more enterprise of that very adventurous firm,
namely, to run a steamer between Porbandar and Natal. The Naderi, a steamer of
the Persian Steam Navigation Company, left Bombay for Natal immediately after.
The total number of passengers on the two steamers was about 800.

\par The agitation in India attained enough importance for the
principal Indian newspapers to notice it in their columns and for Reuter to
send cablegrams about it to England. This I came to know on reaching Natal.
Reuter's representative in England had sent a brief cablegram to South Africa,
containing an exaggerated summary of my speeches in India. This is not an
unusual experience. Such exaggeration is not always intentional. Very busy
people with prejudices and prepossessions of their own read something
superficially and then prepare a summary which is sometimes partly a product of
imagination. This summary, again, is differently interpreted in different
places. Distortion thus takes place without any one intending it. This is the
risk attending public activities and this is also their limitation. While in
India I had criticised the Europeans of Natal. I had spoken very strongly
against the £ 3 tax on indentured labourers. I had given a vivid account of the
sufferings of an indentured labourer named Subrahmanyam who had been assaulted
by his master, whose wounds I had seen and whose case was in my hands. When the
Europeans in Natal read the distorted summary of my speeches, they were greatly
exasperated against me. The remarkable fact, however, was that what I had
written in Natal was more severe and detailed than what I wrote and spoke in
India. My speeches in India were free from the slightest exaggeration. On the
other hand, as I knew from experience that if we describe an event to a
stranger, he sees more in it than what we intend to convey, I had deliberately
described the South African situation in India less forcibly than the facts
warranted. But very few Europeans would read what I wrote in Natal, and still
fewer would care for it. The case, however, was obviously different with my
speeches and writings in India. Thousands of Europeans would read Reuter's
summaries. Moreover, a subject which is considered worthy of being communicated
by cablegram becomes invested with an importance it does not intrinsically
possess. The Europeans of Natal thought that my work in India carried the
weight attributed to it by them and that therefore the system of indentured
labour would perhaps come to an end, and hundreds of European planters would
suffer in consequence. Besides, they felt blackened before India.

\par While the Europeans of Natal were thus in an excited state of
mind, they heard that I was returning to Natal with my family per S. S.
Courland, that it carried from 300 to 400 Indian passengers, and that S. S.
Naderi was also arriving at the same time with an equal number of Indians. This
inflamed them all the more, and there was a great explosion of feeling. The
Europeans of Natal held large meetings, which were attended by almost all the
prominent members of their community. The Indian passengers in general and
myself in particular came in for a great deal of severe criticism. The expected
arrival of the Courland and the Naderi was represented as an ``invasion'' of
Natal. The speakers said that I had brought those 800 passengers to Natal and
that this was my first step towards flooding Natal with free Indians. A
unanimous resolution was passed that the passengers of both the steamers
including myself should be prevented from landing in Natal. If the Government
of Natal would not or could not prevent the passengers from landing, the
Committee appointed at the meeting was to take the law into their own hands and
to prevent the Indians from landing by main force. Both the steamers reached
Durban on the same day.

\par The reader will remember that bubonic plague made its first
appearance in India in 1896. In their effort to prevent our landing the
Government of Natal were hampered by legal difficulties as the Immigration
Restriction Act had not yet come into being. Otherwise their sympathies were
entirely with the Committee of Europeans referred to above. The late Mr
Escombe, a member of the Government, took a prominent part in the proceedings
of that Committee. It was he who instigated them. There is a rule in force at
all ports that if a ease of contagious disease occurs on board a steamer, or if
a steamer is coming from an infected port, it is detained in quarantine for a
certain period. This restriction can be imposed only on sanitary grounds, and
under orders from the Health Officer of the port. The Government of Natal
abused their power by enforcing the above rule for political purposes. Although
there was no contagious disease on board, both the steamers were detained far
beyond the usual time limit, for as many as twenty-three days. Meanwhile, the
Committee of Europeans continued their activities. Messrs Dada Abdulla, who
were the owners of the Courland and the agents for the Naderi, were subjected
to a severe hectoring by them. Inducements were offered to them if they agreed
to take back the passengers, and they were threatened with loss of business if
they refused to do so. But the partners of the firm were no cowards. They said
they did not care if they were ruined; they would fight to the bitter end but
would not be coerced into committing the crime of sending away those helpless
but innocent passengers; they were no strangers to patriotism. The old advocate
of the firm, Mr F. A. Laughton, K.C., was also a brave man.

As luck would have it, the late Shri Mansukhlal Hiralal Nazar, a Kayastha
gentleman from Surat and a nephew of the late Mr Justice Nanabhai Haridas,
reached Africa about the same time. I did not know him, nor was I aware of his
going. I need scarcely say that I had no hand in bringing the passengers who
arrived by the Naderi and the Courland. Most of them were old residents of
South Africa. Many again were bound for the Transvaal. Threatening notices were
served by the Committee of Europeans even upon these passengers. The captains
of the steamers read them out to the passengers. The notices expressly stated
that the Europeans of Natal were in a dangerous temper, and said in effect that
if in spite of the warning the Indian passengers attempted to land, the members
of the Committee would attend at the port and push every Indian into the sea. I
interpreted this notice to the passengers on the Courland. An English-knowing
passenger on board the Naderi did the same for his fellow-passengers. The
passengers on both the steamers flatly declined to go back and added that many
of them were proceeding to the Transvaal, that some of the rest were old
residents of Natal, that in any case every one of them was legally entitled to
land and that the threats of the Committee notwithstanding, they were
determined to land in order to test their right to do so.

\par The Government of Natal was at its wits' end. How tong could an
unjust restriction be enforced? Twenty-three days had passed already. Dada
Abdulla did not flinch, nor did the passengers. The quarantine was thus lifted
after 23 days and the steamers were permitted to steam into harbour. Meanwhile,
Mr Escombe pacified the excited Committee of Europeans. At a meeting which was
held, he said, ``The Europeans in Durban have displayed commendable unity and
courage. You have done all you could. Government has also helped you. The
Indians were detained for 23 days. You have given sufficient expression to your
sentiments and your public spirit. That will make a profound impression on the
Imperial Government. Your action has made the path of the Government of Natal
easy. If you now prevent by force a single Indian passenger from landing, you
will injure your own interests and place the Government in an awkward position.
And even then you will not succeed in preventing the Indians from landing. The
passengers are not at all to blame. There are women and children among them.
When they embarked at Bombay, they had no idea of your feelings. I would
therefore advise you to disperse and not to obstruct these people. I assure
you, however, that the Government of Natal will obtain from the Legislative
Council the requisite powers in order to restrict future immigration.'' This is
only a summary of Mr Escombe's speech. His audience was disappointed, but he
had great influence over the Europeans of Natal. They dispersed in consequence
of his advice and both the steamers came into port.

\par A message reached me from Mr Escombe advising me not to land
with the others but to wait until evening when he would send the Superintendent
of Water Police to escort me home, and adding that my family were free to land
at any time. This was not an order according to law, but was by way of advice
to the captain not to allow me to land and of warning to me of the danger that
was hanging over my head. The captain had not the power forcibly to prevent me
from landing. But I came to the conclusion that I should accept this
suggestion. I sent my family to the residence of my old friend and client,
Parsi Rustomji, instead of to my own place, and told them that I would meet
them there. When the passengers had disembarked, Mr Laughton, counsel for Dada
Abdulla and a personal friend of mine, came up and met me. He asked me why I
had not yet landed. I told him about Mr Escombe's letter. He said that he did
not like the idea of my waiting till evening and then entering the city like a
thief or offender, that if I was not afraid, I should accompany him there and
then, and that we would walk to the town as if nothing had happened. I replied:
"I do not think I am afraid. It is only a question of propriety whether or
not I should accept Mr Escombe's suggestion. And we should also consider
whether the captain of the steamer is responsible in the matter.'' Mr Laughton
smiled and said: ``What has Mr Escombe done for you that you must needs heed his
suggestion? And what reason have you to believe that he is actuated by
kindliness and not by some ulterior motive? I know more than you what has
happened in the town, and what hand Mr Escombe had in the happenings there.'' I
interrupted him with a shaking of the head. ``We might assume,'' continued Mr
Laughton, ``that he is actuated by the best of motives. But I am positively of
opinion that if you comply with his suggestion, you will stand humiliated. I
would, therefore, advise you, if you are ready, to accompany me just now. The
captain is our man, and his responsibility is our responsibility. He is
accountable only to Dada Abdulla. I know what they will think of the matter, as
they have displayed great courage in the present struggle.'' I replied: ``Let us
then go. I have no preparations to make. All I have to do is to put on my
turban. Let us inform the captain and start.'' We took the captain's leave.

\par Mr Laughton was an old and well-known advocate of Durban. I had
come in intimate contact with him before I returned to India. I used to consult
him in difficult cases and often to engage him as my senior. He was a brave and
powerfully built man.

\par Our road lay through the principal street of Durban. It was
about half past four in the evening when we started. The sky was slightly
overcast and the sun was not to be seen. It would take a pedestrian at least
one hour to reach Rustomji Sheth's place. The number of persons present about
the wharf was not larger than what is to be usually seen there. As soon as we
landed, some boys saw us. As I was the only Indian who put on a turban of a
particular type, they at once recognised me, began to shout ``Gandhi,'' ``Gandhi,''
``thrash him,'' ``surround him,'' and came up towards us. Some began to throw
pebbles at us. A few elderly Europeans joined the boys. Gradually the party of
rioters began to grow. Mr Laughton thought that there was danger in our going
on foot. He therefore hailed a rickshaw. I had never sat in a rickshaw before,
as it was thoroughly disgusting to me to sit in a vehicle pulled by human
beings. But I then felt that it was my duty to use that vehicle. I have
experienced five or seven times in my life that one, whom God wishes to save,
cannot fall even if he will. If I did not fall I cannot take any credit for it
to myself. These rickshaws are pulled by Zulus. The elderly Europeans and the
boys threatened the rickshaw puller that if he allowed me to sit in his
rickshaw, they would beat him and smash his rickshaw to pieces. The rickshaw
boy, therefore, said ``Kha'' (meaning ``no'') and went away. I was thus spared the
shame of a rickshaw ride.

\par We had no alternative now but to proceed to our destination on
foot. A mob followed us. With every step we advanced, it grew larger and
larger. The gathering was enormous when we reached West Street. A man of
powerful build took hold of Mr Laughton and tore him away from me. He was not
therefore in a position to come up with me. The crowd began to abuse me and
shower upon me stones and whatever else they could lay their hands on. They
threw down my turban. Meanwhile a burly fellow came up to me, slapped me in the
face and then kicked me. I was about to fall down unconscious when I held on to
the railings of a house near by. I took breath for a while and when the
fainting was over, proceeded on my way. I had almost given up the hope of
reaching home alive. But I remember well that even then my heart did not
arraign my assailants.

\par While I was thus wending my way, the wife of the Superintendent
of Police at Durban was coming from the opposite direction. We knew each other
well. She was a brave lady. Although the sky was cloudy and the sun about to
set, she opened her sunshade for my protection and began to walk at my side.
The Europeans would not insult a lady, especially the wife of the old and
popular Superintendent of Police, nor would they hurt her. They must avoid
injuring her while aiming blows at me. The injuries, therefore, which I
received after she joined me, were not serious. Meanwhile the Superintendent of
Police came to know of the attack upon me and sent a party of constables for my
protection. The police surrounded me.

The Police Station was on our way. When we reached there I saw that the
Superintendent of Police was waiting for us. He offered me asylum in the Police
Station, but I declined the offer with thanks and said, ``I must reach my
destination. I have faith in the fair play of the citizens of Durban and in the
righteousness of my own cause. I am thankful to you for sending the police
party for my protection. Mrs Alexander too has contributed to my safety.''

\par I reached Rustomji's house without further trouble. It was
nearly evening when I reached there. Dr Dadibarjor the medical officer of the
Courland, who was with Rustomji Sheth, began to treat me. He examined my
wounds. There were not many of them. One blind wound in particular was very
painful. But I was not yet privileged to rest in peace. Thousands of Europeans
gathered before Rustomji Sheth's house. After nightfall, hooligans also joined
the crowd. The crowd sent word to Rustomji Sheth that if he did not hand me
over to them, they would burn him and his house along with me. Rustomji Sheth
was too good an Indian to be daunted. When Superintendent Alexander came to
know how matters stood, he quietly joined the crowd with a number of
detectives. He sent for a bench and stood upon it. Thus under the pretence of
talking to the crowd, he took possession of the entrance to Rustomji's house so
that none could break and enter it. He had already posted detectives at proper
places. Immediately on arrival, he had instructed a subordinate to disguise
himself as an Indian trader by putting on Indian dress and painting his face to
see me and deliver to me the following message: ``If you wish to save your
friend, his guests and property, and your own family, I advise you to disguise
yourself as an Indian constable, come out through Rustomji's go-down, steal
through the crowd with my man and reach the Police Station. A carriage is
awaiting you at the corner of the street. This is the only way in which I can
save you and others. The crowd is so excited that I am not in a position to
control it. If you are not prompt in following my directions, I am afraid the
crowd will raze Rustomji's house to the ground and it is impossible for me to
imagine how many lives will be lost and how much property destroyed.''

\par I gauged the situation at once. I quickly disguised myself as a
constable and left Rustomji's house. The Police Officer and I reached the
Police Station in safety. In the meantime Mr Alexander was humouring the crowd
by singing topical songs and talking to them. When he knew that I had reached
the Police Station, he became serious and asked:

\par ``What do you want?''

\par ``We want Gandhi.''

\par ``What will you do with him?''

\par ``We will burn him.''

\par ``What harm has he done to you?''

\par ``He has vilified us in India and wants to flood Natal with Indians.''

\par ``What if he does not come out?''

\par ``We will then burn this house.''

\par ``His wife and children are also there. There are other men and
women besides. Would you not be ashamed of burning women and children?''

\par ``The responsibility for that will rest with you. What can we do
when you make us helpless in the matter? We do not wish to hurt any one else.
It would be enough if you hand over Gandhi to us. If you do not surrender the
culprit, and if others are injured in our endeavour to capture him, would it be
fair on your part to blame us?''

\par The Superintendent gently smiled and informed the crowd that I had left
Rustomji's house, passed through their midst, and reached another place
already. The crowd laughed loudly and shouted, ``It is a lie, it is a lie.''

\par The Superintendent said: ``If you will not believe your old
Superintendent of Police, please appoint a committee of three or four men from
amongst you. Let others promise that they will not enter the house, and that if
the committee fail to find Gandhi in the house, you will peacefully return to
your homes. You got excited today and did not obey the police. That reflects
discredit on you, not on the police. The police therefore played a trick with
you; it removed your prey from your midst and you have lost the game. You
certainly cannot blame the police for this. The police, whom you yourselves
have appointed, have simply done their duty.''

\par The Superintendent addressed the crowd with such suavity and
determination, that they gave him the promise he had asked for. A committee was
appointed. It searched Rustomji's house through and through, and reported to
the crowd that the Superintendent was right and had beaten them in the game.
The crowd was disappointed. But they kept their word and dispersed without
committing any mischief. This happened on January 13, 1897.

\par The same morning after the quarantine on the steamers had been
removed, the reporter of a Durban newspaper had seen me on the steamer. He had
asked me everything. It was quite easy to dispose of the charges against me to
his satisfaction. I showed to him in detail that I had not indulged in the
least exaggeration. What I had done was only my duty. If I had failed to
discharge it, I would be unworthy of the name of man. All this appeared in the
newspapers the next day. Sensible people among the Europeans admitted their
mistake. The newspapers expressed their sympathy with the standpoint of the
Europeans in Natal, but at the same time fully defended my action. This
enhanced my reputation as well as the prestige of the Indian community. It was
proved that the Indians, poor as they were, were no cowards, and that the
Indian traders were prepared to fight for their self-respect and for their
country regardless of loss.

\par Thus though the Indian community had to suffer hardship and
though Dada Abdulla incurred big losses, the ultimate result, I believe, was
entirely beneficial. The community had an opportunity of measuring their own
strength and their self-confidence increased in consequence. I had a most
valuable experience, and whenever I think of that day, I feel that God was
preparing me for the practice of Satyagraha.

\par The events in Natal had their repercussion in England. Mr Chamberlain,
Secretary of State for the Colonies, cabled to the Government of Natal asking
them to prosecute, my assailants and to see that justice was done to me.

\par Mr Escombe, who was Attorney-General with the Government of
Natal, called me. He told me about Mr Chamberlain's cable. He expressed his
regret for the injuries I had sustained, and his pleasure that the consequences
of the assault were not more serious. He added, ``I can assure you that I did
not at all intend that you or any other member of your community should be
injured. As I feared that you might possibly be hurt, I sent you word to say
that you should land at night. You did not like my suggestion. I do not wish to
blame you in the least that you accepted Mr Laughton's advice. You were
perfectly entitled to do what you thought fit. The Government of Natal fully
accepts Mr Chamberlain's demand. We desire that the offenders should be brought
to book. Can you identify any of your assailants?''

\par I replied: ``I might perhaps be able to identify one or two of
them. But I must say at once before this conversation proceeds that I have
already made up my mind not to prosecute my assailants. I cannot see that they
are at fault. What information they had, they had obtained from their leaders.
It is too much to expect them to judge whether it was correct or otherwise. If
all that they heard about me was true, it was natural for them to be excited
and do something wrong in a fit of indignation. I would not blame them for it.
Excited crowds have always tried to deal out justice in that manner. If any one
is to blame it is the Committee of Europeans, you yourself and therefore, the
Government of Natal. Reuter might have cabled any distorted account. But when
you knew that I was coming to Natal, it was your duty and duty of the Committee
to question me about the suspicions you entertained with regard to my
activities in India, to hear what I had to say and then do what might appear
proper in the circumstances. Now I cannot prosecute you or the Committee for
the assault. And even if I could, I would not seek redress in a court of law.
You took such steps as seemed advisable to you for safeguarding the interests
of the Europeans of Natal. That is a political matter, and it remains for me
to fight will, you in the political field and to convince you and the other
Europeans that the Indians who constitute a large proportion of the population
of the British Empire wish to preserve their self-respect and safeguard their
rights without injuring the Europeans in the least.''

\par Mr Escombe said, ``I quite understand what you say, and I appreciate it. I
was not prepared to hear that you were not willing to prosecute your
assailants. I would not have been displeased in the least had you prosecuted
them. But since you have signified your determination not to prosecute, I do
not hesitate to say not only that you have come to a right decision in the
matter, but you will render further service to your community by your
self-restraint. I must at the same time admit that your refusal to prosecute
your assailants will save the Government of Natal from a most awkward position.
If you so desire, the Government will see that your assailants are arrested,
but it is scarcely necessary to tell you that it would irritate the Europeans
and give rise to all manner of criticism, which no Government would relish. But
if you have finally made up your mind not to prosecute, you should write to me
a note signifying your intention to that effect. I cannot defend my Government
merely by sending Mr Chamberlain a summary of our conversation. I should cable
to him a summary of your note. I am not, however, asking you to let me have the
note just now. You had better consult your friends. Consult Mr Laughton also.
And if after such consultations you still adhere to your resolution not to
prosecute, write to me. But your note should clearly state that you, on your
own responsibility, refuse to prosecute your assailants. Then only can I make
use of it.''

\par I said: ``I had no idea that you had sent for me in this connection. I have
not consulted anyone on the subject, nor do I wish to consult any one now. When
I decided to land and proceed with Mr Laughren, I had made up my mind that I
should not feel aggrieved in case I was injured. Prosecuting my assailants is
therefore out of the question. This is a religious question with me, and I
believe with you that I shall serve my community as well as myself by this act
of self-restraint. I propose, therefore, to take all the responsibility on my
shoulders and to give you the note you ask for here and now.''

\par I then obtained some blank paper from him, wrote out the desired
note and handed it over to him.

\chapter{A Review of the early struggle}

\begin{center}
\Huge{Concluded\\The Work in England}
\end{center}
\vspace{4ex}

\par The reader has seen in the previous chapters how the Indians
tried to ameliorate their condition and enhanced their prestige. Side by side
with the effort to develop strength from within they sought such assistance as
they could from India and England. I have dealt to some extent with the
activities in India. It now remains to note what steps were taken to enlist
support from England. It was essential, in the first place, to establish
relations with the British Committee of the Indian National Congress; weekly
letters with full particulars were therefore written to Dadabhai, the Grand Old
Man of India, and to Sir William Wedderburn, the Chairman of the Committee and
whenever there was an occasion to send copies of representations, a sum of at
least 10 pounds was remitted as a contribution towards postal charges and the
general expenditure of the Committee.

I shall here place on record a sacred reminiscence of Dadabhai Naoroji. He was
not the Chairman of the Committee. It seemed to us, however, that the proper
course for us was to send money to him in the first instance which he might
then forward to the Chairman on our behalf. But Dadabhai returned the very
first installment sent to him and suggested that we should remit money, and
address communications, intended for the Committee directly to Sir William
Wedderburn. He himself would certainly render all possible assistance. But the
prestige of the Committee would increase only if we approached the Committee
through Sir William. I also observed that Dadabhai, though far advanced in age,
was very regular in his correspondence. Even when he had nothing particular to
write about he would acknowledge receipt of letters by return of post with a
word of encouragement thrown in. Even such letters he used to write personally,
and kept copies of them in his tissue paper book.

\par I have shown in a previous chapter that although we had called
our organisation the ``Congress,'' we never intended to make our grievances a
party question. We therefore corresponded with gentlemen belonging to other
parties as well, with the full knowledge of Dadabhai. The most prominent among
them were Sir Muncherjee Bhownuggree and Sir W. W. Hunter. Sir Muncherjee was
then a member of Parliament. His assistance was valuable, and he always used to
favour us with important suggestions. But if there was any one who had realized
the importance of the Indian question in South Africa before the Indians
themselves and accorded them valuable support, it was Sir William Wilson
Hunter. He was editor of the Indian section of the Times, wherein he discussed
our question in its true perspective, ever since we first addressed him in
connection with it. He wrote personal letters to several gentlemen in support
of our cause. He used to write to us almost every week when some important
question was on the anvil. This is the purport of his very first letter : ``I am
sorry to read of the situation there. You have been conducting your struggle
courteously, peacefully and without exaggeration. My sympathies are entirely
with you on this question. I will do my best publicly as well as in private to
see that justice is done to you. I am certain that we cannot yield even an inch
of ground in this matter. Your demand being so reasonable, no impartial person
would even suggest that you should moderate it.'' He reproduced the letter
almost word for word in the first article he wrote for the Times on the
question. His attitude remained the same throughout, and Lady Hunter wrote in
the course of a letter that shortly before his death he had prepared an outline
of a series of articles which he had planned on the Indian question.

\par I have mentioned the name of Shri Mansukhlal Nazar in the last
chapter. This gentleman was deputed to England on behalf of the Indian
community to explain the situation in detail. He was instructed to work with
members of all parties, and during his stay in England he kept in touch with
Sir W. W. Hunter, Sir Muncherjee Bhownuggree and the British Committee of the
Indian National Congress. He was likewise in touch with several retired
officers of the Indian Civil Service, with the India Office and with the
Colonial Office. Thus our endeavours were directed in all possible quarters.
The result of all this evidently was that the condition of Indians overseas
became a question of first-rate importance in the eyes of the Imperial
Government. This fact reacted for good as well as for evil on the other
colonies. That is to say, in all the colonies where Indians had settled, they
awoke to the importance of their own position and the Europeans awoke to the
danger which they thought the Indians were to their predominance.

\chapter{The Boer War}

\par The reader has seen in the previous chapters what was the
condition of the Indians in South Africa at the outbreak of the Boer
War and what were the steps taken so far in order to ameliorate it.

\par In 1899 Dr Jameson carried out his raid on Johannesburg in pursuance of the
conspiracy which he had entered into with the owners of the gold mines. The
conspirators had expected that the Boer Government would come to know of the
raid only after they captured Johannesburg. Dr Jameson and his associates badly
blundered in this calculation of theirs. They fell into another error when they
imagined that even in case of the plot being discovered, untrained Boer farmers
could do nothing against sharpshooters trained in Rhodesia. The raiders had
likewise expected that a large majority of the population of Johannesburg would
receive them with open arms. Here too the good Doctor was reckoning without his
host. President Kruger had full information beforehand. With great
deliberation, skill and secrecy he made preparations to meet Dr Jameson and
simultaneously arranged to arrest his fellow conspirators. Dr Jameson,
therefore, was greeted by the Boers with gunfire before he had reached anywhere
near Johannesburg. The Doctor's party was in no position to try conclusions
with the army which faced them. Arrangements were similarly complete for
preventing a rising in Johannesburg. None dared raise their heads and the
millionaires of Johannesburg were dumbfounded in consequence of President
Kruger's action. The result of his excellent preparations was that the raid was
disposed of with a minimum of loss in men as well as money.

\par Dr Jameson and his friends, the owners of gold mines, were arrested and
placed on their trial without delay. Some were sentenced to be hanged. Most of
these convicts were millionaires; but the Imperial Government could do nothing
for them, as they were guilty of a raid in broad daylight. President Kruger
became an important man all at once. Mr Chamberlain, the Secretary of State for
the Colonies, sent a humble cablegram to him, and appealed to his sense of
mercy on behalf of the convicted magnates. President Kruger was perfect master
of his own game. He had no apprehension of his independence being challenged by
any power in South Africa. The conspiracy of Dr Jameson and his friends was a
well-planned affair in their own eyes, but to President Kruger it seemed to be
an act of insensate folly. He therefore complied with Mr Chamberlain's humble
request and not only did not enforce the sentence of death against any of the
convicts but granted them all full pardon and set them free.

\par But things could not go on like this for any length of time.
President Kruger knew that the Jameson raid was only a minor symptom of a
serious malady. It was impossible that the millionaires of Johannesburg should
not endeavour to wipe out their disgrace by all means in their power. Again,
nothing had been done to carry out the reforms for which the Jameson raid
purported to have been organised. The millionaires, therefore, were not likely
to hold their peace. Lord Milner, the British High Commissioner in South
Africa, had full sympathy with their demand. Mr Chamberlain, too, while
expressing his appreciation of President Kruger's magnanimity towards the
Jameson raiders, had drawn his attention to the necessity for reforms. Every
one believed that an appeal to the sword was inevitable. The demands of the
Uitlanders were calculated in the to extinguish Boer domination in the
Transvaal. Both the parties were aware that the ultimate result would be war,
and both were therefore preparing for it. The war of words which ensued was
worthy of note. When President Kruger ordered out arms and ammunition, the
British Agent warned him that the British would be compelled to bring troops
into South Africa in self-defence. When British troops arrived in South Africa
President Kruger taunted the British and pushed forward his preparation for
war. Thus each side was protesting against the other's activities and
strengthening its own preparations.

\par When President Kruger had completed his preparations, he saw
that to delay any longer was to play into the hands of his enemies. The British
had an inexhaustible supply of men and money. They could, therefore, afford to
bide their time, gradually preparing for war and in the meantime ask President
Kruger to redress the grievances of Uitlanders, and thus show to the world that
they could not help waging war as he refused to grant redress. Then they would
enter the war with such grand preparation that the Boers could not stand the
shock and would have to accept British demands in a spirit of humiliation.
Every Boer man between eighteen and sixty years in age was a skilled fighter.
Boer women, too, were capable for fighting if they chose. National independence
had with the Boer all the force of a religious principle. Such a brave people
would not suffer humiliation even at the hands of a world empire.

\par President Kruger had already arrived at an understanding with the Orange
Free State. Both the Boer republics followed an identical policy. President
Kruger had not the slightest intention of accepting the British demands whether
in full or even to the extent of satisfying the Uitlanders. Both the republics,
therefore, thought that war being inevitable, for them to give any more time to
the British was only to give them a chance of advancing their preparations.
President Kruger thereupon delivered an ultimatum to Lord Milner, and at the
same time mobilised troops on the frontiers of the Transvaal as well as the
Free State. The result of such action was a foregone conclusion. A world empire
like the British would not take a threat lying down. The time limit laid down
in the ultimatum expired and the Boers, advancing with lightning speed, laid
siege to Ladysmith, Kimberley and Mafeking. This great war thus broke out in
1899. The reader will remember that one of the causes of the war alleged by the
British was the treatment accorded to the Indians by the Boers.

\par The great question, as to what the Indians in South Africa
should do on this occasion, now presented itself for solution. Among the Boers,
the entire male population joined the war. Lawyers gave up their practice,
farmers their farms, traders their trade, and servants left their service. The
British in South Africa did not join the war in anything like the same
proportion as the Boers. However, a large number of civilians in Cape Colony,
Natal and Rhodesia enrolled themselves as volunteers. Many distinguished
English traders and lawyers followed suit. I now found very few lawyers in the
court where I was practising as an advocate. Most of the senior members of the
bar were engaged in war work. One of the charges laid against the Indians was,
that they went to South .Africa only for money-grabbing and were merely a
deadweight upon the British. Like worms which settle inside wood and eat it up
hollow, the Indians were in South Africa only to fatten themselves upon them.
The Indians would not render them the slightest aid if the country was invaded
or if their homes were raided. The British in such a case would have not only
to defend themselves against the enemy but at the same time to protect the
Indians. We Indians carefully considered this charge. All of us felt that this
was a golden opportunity for us to prove that it was baseless. But on the other
hand the, following considerations were also urged by some:

\par ``The British oppress us equally with the Boers. If we are
subjected to hardships in the Transvaal, we are not very much better off in
Natal or the Cape Colony. The difference, if any, is only one of degree. Again
we are more or less a community of slaves; knowing as we do that a small nation
like the Boers is fighting for its very existence, why should we be
instrumental in their destruction? Finally, from a practical point of view, no
one will take it upon himself to predict a defeat for the Boers. And if they
win, they will never fail to wreak vengeance upon us.''

\par There was a powerful party among us which strongly advanced the above
argument. I could understand it and allowed it due weight. However, it did not
commend itself to me, and I refuted it to myself and to the community as
follows:

\par ``Our existence in South Africa is only in our capacity as
British subjects. In every memorial we have presented, we have asserted our
rights as such. We have been proud of our British citizenship, or have given
our rulers and the world to believe that we are so proud. Our rulers profess to
safeguard our rights because we are British subjects, and what little rights we
still retain, we retain because we are British subjects. It would be unbecoming
to our dignity as a nation to look on with folded hands at a time when ruin
stared the British in the face as well as ourselves, simply because they
ill-treat us here. And such criminal inaction could only aggravate our
difficulties. If we missed this opportunity, which had come to us unsought, of
proving the falsity of a charge which we believed to be false, we should stand
self-condemned, and it would be no matter for surprise if then the English
treated us worse than before and sneered at us more than ever. The fault in
such a case would lie entirely at our door. To say, that the charges preferred
against ourselves had no foundation in fact and were absolutely untenable,
would only be to deceive ourselves. It is true that we are helots in the
Empire, but so far we have tried to better our condition, continuing the while
to remain in the Empire. That has been the policy of all our leaders in India,
and ours too. And it we desire to win our freedom and achieve our welfare as
members of the British Empire, here is a golden opportunity for us to do so by
Helping the British in the war by all the means at our disposal. It must
largely be conceded that justice is on the side of the Boers. But every single
subject of a state must not hope to enforce his private opinion in all cases.
The authorities may not always be right, but so long as the subjects own
allegiance to a state, it is their clear duty generally to accommodate
themselves, and to accord their support, to acts of the state.

\par ``Again, if any class among the subjects considers that the
action of a government is immoral from a religious standpoint, before they help
or hinder it, they must endeavour fully and even at the risk of their lives to
dissuade the government from pursuing such a course. We have done nothing of
the kind. Such a moral crisis is not present before us, and no one says that we
wish to hold aloof from this war for any such universal and comprehensive
reason. Our ordinary duty as subjects, therefore, is not to enter into the
merits of the war, but when war has actually broken out, to render such
assistance as we possibly can. Finally, to suggest that in case the Boers won,?
and a Boer victory was well within the range of possibility,? our last state
would be worse than our first, and the Boers would exact frightful revenge,
would be doing injustice to the chivalrous Boers as well as to ourselves. To
waste the slightest thought upon such a contingency would only be a sign of our
effeminacy and a reflection on our loyalty. Would an Englishman think for a
moment what would happen to himself if the English lost the war? A man about to
join a war cannot advance such an argument without forfeiting his manhood.''

\par I advanced these arguments in 1899, and even today I do not see
any reason for modifying them. That is to say, if I had today the faith in the
British Empire which I then entertained, and if I now cherished the hope, which
I did at that time, of achieving our freedom under its aegis, I would advance
the same arguments, word for word, in South Africa, and, in similar
circumstances, even in India. I heard many attempted refutations of these
arguments in South Africa and subsequently in England. But I discovered no
ground for changing my views. I know that my present opinions have no bearing
on the subject of this volume, but there are two valid reasons why I have
adverted to the matter here. I have, in tire first place, no right to expect
that the reader who takes up this book in a hurry will give it a patient and
attentive perusal, and such a reader will find it difficult to reconcile the
above views with my present activities. Secondly, the underlying principle in
the above arguments is Satyagraha, insistence on truth. That one should appear
to be as one really is and should act accordingly, is not the last, but the
first step to practical religion. The building up of a religious life is
impossible without such a foundation.

\par To return to our narrative.

\par My arguments commended themselves to many. The reader must not
suppose that I was the only one to advance them. Moreover, even before these
views were set forth, there were many Indians who held that we should do our
bit in the war. But now the practical question arose: Who would lend an ear to
the weak voice of the Indians when there was raging this terrible whirlwind of
war? What weight would this offer of help carry? None of us had ever wielded a
weapon of war. Even the work performed by non-combatants in a war required
training. None of us knew even how to march in step. It was no easy task to
perform long marches with one's baggage on one's own shoulders. Again, the
whites would treat us all as ``coolies,'' insult us and look down upon us. How
was all this to be borne? And if we volunteered for service, how could we
induce the Government to accept our offer? Finally, we came to tile conclusion,
that we should make earnest endeavours to get our offer accepted, that the
experience of work would teach us to do more work, that if we had the will, God
would grant us the ability to serve, that we need not worry how we could do the
work entrusted but should train ourselves for it as best we might, and that
having once decided to serve, we should cease to think of discriminating
between dignified work and other and serve, putting up even with insults if it
came to that.

\par We encountered formidable difficulties in getting our offer
favourably entertained. The story is interesting but this is not the place to
detail it. Suffice it to say that the leaders among us received training in
nursing the wounded and the sick, obtained medical certificates of physical
fitness and sent a formal letter to the Government. This letter and the
eagerness we evinced to serve in whatever capacity the Government would accept
us created a very good impression. The Government thanked us in reply but
rejected our offer for the time. Meanwhile the Boers continued to advance like
a great flood, and it was feared that they might reach Durban. There were heaps
of wounded and dead everywhere. We were continually renewing our offer, and
sanction was given at last for the formation of an Indian Ambulance Corps. We
had expressed our willingness even to do sweepers' or scavengers' work in
hospitals. No wonder, therefore, that the idea of an Ambulance Corps was
perfectly welcome to us. Our offer had been made, in the first instance, in
respect of free and ex-indentured Indians, but we had suggested the
desirability of permitting the indentured Indians too to join the rest. As
Government was then in need of as many men as they could get, they approached
the employers of indentured labourers to allow their men to volunteer. Thus a
large and splendid Corps composed of nearly eleven hundred Indians left Durban
for the front. At the time of our departure, we received the congratulations
and the blessings of Mr Escombe, whose name is already familiar to the reader
and who was the head of the European volunteers in Natal.

\par All this was a complete revelation to the English newspapers. No
one expected that the Indians would take any part in the war. An Englishman
wrote in a leading newspaper a poem eulogistic of the Indians with the
following line as a refrain: ``We are sons of the Empire after all.''

\par There were between three and four hundred ex-indentured Indians
in the Corps, who had been recruited by the efforts of the free Indians. Of
these, thirty-seven were looked upon as leaders, as the offer to Government had
been sent under their signatures and as they had brought the others together.
Among the leaders there were barristers and accountants, while the rest were
either artisans such as masons or carpenters, or ordinary labourers. Hindus and
Musulmans, Madrasis and upcountry men, all classes and creeds were well
represented. There was hardly any trader in the Corps, but the traders
subscribed considerable sums of money. The Corps had needs which were not
adequately met by the military rations, and which, if satisfied, might provide
them with some amenities in their hard camp life. The traders undertook to
supply such comforts, and likewise rendered good assistance in entertaining the
wounded in our charge with sweets, cigarettes and such other things. Whenever
we camped near towns, the local traders did their best to look after us.

\par The indentured labourers, who joined this Corps were under the charge of
English overseers from their respective factories. But the work for them was
the same as for ourselves and as we were all to live together, they were highly
pleased at the prospect, and the management of the entire Corps naturally
passed into our hands. Thus the whole Corps was described as the Indian Corps,
and the community received the credit for its work. As a matter of fact the
Indians were not entitled to the credit for the inclusion of indentured
labourers in the Corps, which should rightly have gone to the planters. But
there is no doubt that the free Indians, that is to say, the Indian community,
deserved credit for the excellent management of the Corps when once it was
formed and this was acknowledged by General Buller in his despatches.

\par Doctor Booth, under whom we had placed ourselves for training in
first aid, joined the Corps in the capacity of Medical Superintendent. He was a
pious clergyman, and though his work chiefly lay among the Indian Christians,
he freely mixed with Indians of all denominations. Most of the thirty-seven
leaders mentioned above had received their training at his hands.

\par There was a European Ambulance Corps as well as the Indian, and
both worked side by side in the same place.

\par Our offer to Government was absolutely unconditional, but the
letter by which they accepted it granted us immunity from service within the
firing line. This meant that the permanent Ambulance Corps attached to the army
was to bear far away the soldiers as they got wounded and leave them behind the
army outside the line of fire. The temporary Ambulance Corps of Europeans as
well as Indians were formed in view of the great effort which General Buller
was to put forth for the relief of General White in Ladysmith and in which, it
was apprehended, there might be more wounded than could be dealt with by the
permanent Corps. In the country where the armies were operating there were no
made roads between the battlefield and the base-hospital and it was therefore
impossible to carry the wounded by means of ordinary transport. The
base-hospital was always situated near a railway station and at a distance of
between seven and twenty-five miles from the battlefield.

\par We soon got work and that too harder than we had expected. To carry the
wounded seven or eight miles was part of our ordinary routine. But sometimes we
had to carry badly wounded soldiers and officers over a distance of twenty-five
miles. The march would commence at eight in the morning, medicines must be
administered on the way, and we were required to reach the base-hospital at
five. This was very hard work indeed. It was only once that we had to carry the
wounded twenty-five miles in a single day. Again the British army met with
reverse after reverse in the beginning of the war and large numbers were
wounded. The officers therefore were compelled to give up their idea of not
taking us within the firing line. But it must be stated that when such an
emergency arose we were told that as the terms of our contract included
immunity from such service, General Buller had no intention of forcing us to
work under fire if we were not prepared to accept such risk, but if we
undertook it voluntarily, it would be greatly appreciated. We were only too
willing to enter the danger zone and had never liked to remain outside. We
therefore welcomed this opportunity. But none of us received a bullet wound or
any other injury.

\par The Corps had many pleasant experiences into which I may not enter here. It
must however be placed on record, that although our Corps, including the
indentured labourers who might be supposed to be rather uncouth, often came in
contact with the members of the temporary Ambulance Corps composed of Europeans
as well as with the European soldiers, none of us felt that Europeans treated
us with contempt or even with discourtesy. The temporary Corps was composed of
South African Europeans, who had taken part in the anti-Indian agitation before
the war. But the knowledge that the Indians, forgetful of their wrongs, were
out to help them in the hour of their need, had melted their hearts for the
time being. I have stated already that our work was mentioned by General Buller
in his despatches. War medals too were conferred on the thirty-seven leaders.

\par When General Buller's operations in connection with the relief
of Ladysmith were over, that is in about two months' time, our Corps long after
this. We were always prepared to rejoin, and it was stated in the order
disbanding our Corps that Government would certainly utilise our services if
operations on a large scale were again necessary.

\par This contribution of the Indians in South Africa to the war was
comparatively insignificant. They suffered hardly any loss of life. Yet even a
sincere desire to be of help is bound to impress the other party, and is doubly
appreciated when it is quite unexpected. Such fine feeling for the Indians
lasted during the continuance of the war.

\par Before closing this chapter, I must place a noteworthy incident
on record. Among those who were in Ladysmith when it was invested by the Boers,
there were besides Englishmen a few stray Indian settlers. Some of these were
traders, while the rest were indentured labourers, working on the railways or
as servants to English gentle men one of whom was Parbhusingh. The officer in
command at Ladysmith assigned various duties to every resident of the place.
The most dangerous and most responsible work was assigned to Parbhusingh who
was a ``coolie.'' On a hill near Ladysmith the Boers had stationed a pom-pom,
whose operations destroyed many buildings and even occasioned some loss of
life. An interval of a minute or two must pass before a shell which had been
fired from the gun reached a distant objective. If the besieged got even such a
short notice, they could take cover before the shell dropped in the town and
thus save themselves. Parbhusingh was to sit perched up in a tree, all the time
that the gun was working, with his eyes fixed on the hill and to ring a bell
the moment he observed a flash. On hearing the bell, the residents of Ladysmith
instantly took cover and saved themselves from the deadly cannon ball whose
approach was thus announced.

\par The officer in charge of Ladysmith, in eulogising the invaluable
services rendered by Parbhusingh, stated that he worked so zealously that not
once had he failed to ring the bell. It need hardly be said that his own life
was constantly in peril. The story of his bravery came to be known in Natal and
at last reached the ears of Lord Curzon, then Viceroy of India, who sent a
Kashmir robe for presentation to Parbhusingh and wrote to the Natal Government,
asking them to carry out the presentation ceremony with all possible publicity.
This duty was assigned to the Mayor of Durban who held a public meeting in the
Town Hall for the purpose. This incident has a twofold lesson for us. First, we
should not despise any man, however humble or insignificant-looking he may be.
Secondly, no matter how timid a man is, he is capable of the loftiest heroism
when he is put to the test.

\chapter{After the war}

\par The most important phase of the war was over in 1900.
Ladysmith, Kimberley and Mafeking had been relieved. General Cronje had
surrendered at Paardeburg. Parts of the British colonies occupied by the Boers
had been wrested from their hands and Lord Kitchener had conquered the
Transvaal and the Orange Free State. Only guerilla warfare was left.

\par I thought that my work in South Africa was now over. I had stayed there
six years instead of one month as originally intended. The outlines of the work
before us were fairly fixed. Still I could not leave South Africa without the
willing consent of the Indian community. I informed my colleagues that I
intended taking up public work in India. I had learnt in South Africa the
lesson of service instead of self-interest, and was longing for opportunities
of such work. Shri Mansukhlal Nazar was there and so was Mr Khan. Some Indian
youths born and bred in South Africa had returned from England as barristers.
In these circumstances it would not be improper if I returned to India. When I
had urged all these arguments, I was permitted to return only on the condition
that if an unexpected situation arose in South Africa requiring my presence
there, the community might recall me any day and I should at once go back. They
undertook in such a case to bear my travelling expenses and the expenses
incurred during my stay in South Africa. I agreed to this arrangement and
returned to India.

\par I decided to practise in Bombay as a barrister, primarily with a view to
public work under the advice and guidance of Gokhale and secondarily in order
to make a living for myself side by side with public work. I rented chambers
accordingly and began to get some work. Thanks to my close connection with
South Africa, clients who had returned from that country alone gave me work
which more than sufficed for my necessities. But peace was never to be my
portion in this life. I had been in Bombay hardly three or four months when I
received an urgent cablegram from South Africa stating that the situation there
was serious, that Mr Chamberlain was expected shortly, and that my presence was
necessary.

\par I wound up my Bombay office and house and started for South Africa by the
first available steamer. This was near the end of 1902. I had returned to India
towards the close of i901 and had opened my office at Bombay about March 1902.
The cablegram did not contain full details. I guessed that there was trouble in
the Transvaal. But I went to South Africa without my family as I thought I
would be able to return to India in four or six months, I was however simply
amazed when I reached Durban and heard everything. Many of us had hoped that
the position of Indians throughout South Africa would improve after the war. We
did not anticipate trouble in the Transvaal and the Free State at any rate, as
Lord Landsdowne, Lord Selborne and other high functionaries had declared when
the war broke out that the treatment accorded to the Indians by the Boers was
one of the causes of the war. The British Agent at Pretoria had often told me
that if the Transvaal became a British Colony, all the grievances under which
the Indians laboured would be instantly redressed. The Europeans too believed
that as the Transvaal was now under the British flag, the old laws of the Boer
republic directed against the Indians could not be enforced. This principle was
so widely accepted that the auctioneers who before the war did not accept bids
from Indians for the purchase of land now openly accepted such bids. Many
Indians thus purchased lands at public auctions, but when they tendered the
deeds of transfer to the revenue officer for registration, the officer in
charge refused to register the deeds quoting Act 3 of 1885 ! All this I learnt
on landing at Durban. The leaders said that Mr Chamberlain would first come to
Durban and we must first acquaint him with the situation in Natal. This done, I
was to follow him to the Transvaal.

\par A deputation waited upon Mr Chamberlain in Natal. He gave it a
courteous hearing and promised to confer with the Natal Government on the
subject of its representations. Personally I did not expect that the laws which
had been promulgated in Natal before the war would be modified very soon. These
laws have already been described in a previous chapter.

\par As the reader is aware, any Indian could at any time enter the
Transvaal before the war. I observed that this was not the case now any longer.
The restrictions however, equally applied to all? Europeans as well as Indians.
The condition of the country was still such, that if a large number of people
entered the Transvaal all at once, there would not be sufficient food and
clothing to go round, as all the shops had not reopened after the war. The
goods stocked in the shops had been unceremoniously appropriated by the late
Boer Government. I therefore thought, that if the restrictions were only
temporary, there was no reason for apprehension. But then there was a
difference in the procedure by which a European and an Indian could obtain a
permit, and this afforded ground for misgiving and alarm. Permit offices were
opened in the various ports of South Africa. For all practical purposes a
European could obtain permit for the mere asking, while an Asiatic Department
was created in the Transvaal for dealing with Indians. The creation of this
special department was a new departure. Indians were required to apply to the
head of that department in the first instance. After he had granted their
applications, they could generally obtain permits at Durban or any other port.

\par If I had to go through all these formalities there was no hope of my
getting a permit before Mr Chamberlain left the Transvaal. The Indians in the
Transvaal could not procure a permit for me. It was more than they could do.
They had therefore relied upon my connections in Durban for obtaining a permit
for me. I did not know the permit officer, but as I knew the Police
Superintendent of Durban, I asked him to accompany me to the permit office. He
consented and gave the necessary assurances. I obtained a permit on the
strength of the fact that I had stayed in the Transvaal for a year in 1893 and
thus reached Pretoria.

\par The atmosphere in Pretoria was decidedly ominous. I could see that the
Asiatic Department was merely a frightful engine of oppression for the Indians.
The officers in charge were some of the adventurers who had accompanied the
army from India to South Africa during the war and had settled there in order
to try their luck. Some of them were corrupt. Two officers were even
prosecuted for bribery. The jury declared them not guilty, but as really there
was no doubt entertained as to their guilt, they were subsequently dismissed
from service. Partiality was the order of the day. When a separate department
is thus created and when restricting existing rights is the sole reason for its
existence, officers are naturally inclined to devise fresh restriction from
time to time in order to justify their existence and in order to show that they
are efficient in the discharge of their duties. This is exactly what happened
in the present case.

\par I saw that I had to begin my work from the very beginning. The
Asiatic Department could not at once make out how I had managed to enter the
Transvaal. They did not venture to ask me directly. I imagine they thought me
above smuggling myself into the country. They indirectly obtained information
as to how I had secured a permit. A deputation from Pretoria prepared to wait
upon Mr Chamberlain. I drafted the memorial for submission to him but the
Asiatic Department excluded me from the deputation. It appeared to the Indian
leaders that they should not see Mr Chamberlain if I was prevented from going
with them. But I did not countenance, this idea. I said that I should not mind
the insult to me and advised them to ignore it too. The memorial was there and
it was .essential that it should be presented to Mr Chamberlain. Mr George
Godfrey, an Indian barrister, who was present at the time, was charged with the
task of reading the memorial. The deputation waited upon Mr Chamberlain. My
name being mentioned in course of the interview, he said, ``I have already seen
Mr Gandhi in Durban. I therefore refused to see him here, in order that I might
learn about the situation in the Transvaal at first hand from local residents.''
In my view this remark only added fuel to the fire. Mr Chamberlain spoke out as
he had been tutored by the Asiatic Department, which thus tried to import into
the Transvaal the atmosphere which pervades India. Every one knows how British
officers consider Bombay men as foreigners, in, say, Champaran. At that rate
how could I who lived in Durban know anything about the situation in the
Transvaal ? Thus did the Asiatic Department coach Mr Chamberlain. Little did he
know that I had lived in the Transvaal, and that even if I had not, I was fully
conversant with the Indian situation there. There was only one pertinent
question in the present case : Who possessed the best knowledge of the
situation in the Transvaal? The Indians had already answered it for themselves
by asking me to go there all the way from India. But it is no new experience to
find that arguments based on reason do not always appeal to men in authority.
Mr Chamberlain was then so much under the influence of the men on the spot and
so anxious was he to humour the Europeans that there was little or no hope of
his doing us justice. Still the deputation waited upon him, only in order that
no legitimate step for obtaining redress might be omitted whether by oversight
or through a sense of wounded self-respect.

\par I was now confronted by a dilemma even more difficult than the one which
faced me in 1894. From one standpoint, it seemed I could return to India as
soon as Mr Chamberlain left South Africa. On the other hand I could clearly see
that if I returned with the vain fancy of serving on a larger field in India
while I was fully aware of the great danger which stared the South African
Indians in the face, the spirit of service which I had acquired would be
stultified. I thought that even if that meant living in South Africa all my
life, I must remain there until the gathering clouds were dispersed or until
they broke upon and swept us all away, all our counteracting efforts
notwithstanding. This is how I spoke to the Indian leaders. Now, as in 1894, I
declared my intention to maintain myself by legal practice. As for the
community, this was precisely what they wanted.

\par I soon applied for admission to practise in the Transvaal. There
was some apprehension that the Law Society here too would oppose my
application, but it proved groundless. I was enrolled as an attorney of the
Supreme Court, and opened an office in Johannesburg. Of all places in the
Transvaal, Johannesburg had the largest population of Indians and was therefore
well suited for me to settle in, from the standpoint of public work as well as
of my own maintenance. I was daily gaining bitter experience of the corruption
of the Asiatic Department, and the best efforts of the Transvaal British Indian
Association were directed to finding a remedy for this disease. The repeal of
Act 3 of 1885 now receded in the the background as a distant objective. The
immediate aim was limited to saving ourselves from the on-rushing flood in
shape of this Asiatic Department. Indian deputations waited upon Lord Milner,
upon Lord Selborne who had come there, upon Sir Arthur Lawley who was
Lieutenant Governor of the Transvaal and who subsequently became Governor of
Madras, and upon officers of lesser dignity. I often used to see Government
officers. We obtained some slight relief here and there, but it was all
patchwork. We used to receive some such satisfaction as is experienced by a man
who has been deprived of his all by robbers and who by beseeching the robbers
induces them to return something of very small value. It was in consequence of
this agitation that, the officers whose dismissal I have referred to above were
prosecuted. Our misgivings as regards the restrictions on Indian immigration
proved correct. Permits were no longer required from Europeans, while they
continued to be demanded from Indians. The late Boer Government never strictly
enforced their drastic anti-Asiatic legislation, not because they were generous
but because their administration was lax. A good officer has not under the
British Government as much scope for the exercise of his goodness as he had
under the Boer regime. The British Constitution is old and stereotyped, and
officers under it have to work like machines. Their liberty of action is
restricted by a system of progressive checks. Under the British Constitution,
therefore, if the policy of the Government is liberal, the subjects receive the
utmost advantage of its liberality. On the other hand if their policy is
oppressive or niggardly, the subjects feel the maximum weight of their heavy
hand. The reverse is the case under constitutions such as that of the late Boer
republic. Whether or not the subjects reap full advantage from a liberal law
largely depends upon the officers who are charged with its administration.
Thus, when British power was established in the Transvaal, all laws adversely
affecting the Indians began to be more and more strictly enforced day by day.
Loopholes, wherever they existed, were carefully closed. We have already seen
that the Asiatic Department was bound to be harsh in its operations. The repeal
of the old laws was therefore out of the question. It only remained for the
Indians to try and see how their rigours might be mitigated in practice.

\par One principle must be discussed sooner or later, and if we
discuss it at this stage, it will perhaps facilitate an understanding of the
Indian point of view and of the situation as it developed hereafter. Soon after
the establishment of British rule in the Transvaal and the Free State, Lord
Milner appointed a. committee whose terms of reference were to prepare a list
of such of the old laws of both the republics as placed restrictions on the
liberty of the subject or were opposed to the spirit of the British
Constitution. The anti-Indian laws could clearly have been included in this
description. But Lord Milner's object in appointing the committee was not to
redress the grievances of Indians but those of British. He wanted to repeal
at the earliest opportunity those laws which indirectly pressed hard upon
British. The committee submitted their report in a very short time, and many
acts, large and small, which affected British prejudicially, were, it can be
said, repealed by a stroke of the pen.

\par The same committee prepared a list of anti-Indian acts. These
were published in the form of a book which served as a handy manual
easily used or from our standpoint abused by the Asiatic Department.

\par Now, if the anti-Indian laws did not mention the Indians by name and were
not thus made expressly applicable to them alone but to all subjects, and if
their enforcement had been left to the discretion of administrators; or had the
laws imposed general restrictions which could have been enforced against
Indians in a specially rigorous manner, the object of the legislators would all
the same have been achieved by such laws, and yet the laws would have been
general laws. None would have felt insulted by their enactment, and when the
existing bitterness was softened by time, there would be no need to modify the
laws, but only a more liberal administration of the laws would have sufficed to
relieve the aggrieved community. Just as I have called laws of the second kind
general laws, those of the first kind can be described as particular or racial,
and establish what is known as the ``colour bar,'' as on the specific ground of
colour they impose greater restrictions on members of the dark or brown races
than on Europeans.

\par To take one instance from the laws which were already in force.
The reader will remember that the first disfranchising Act which was enacted in
Natal but was subsequently disallowed by the Imperial Government provided for
the disqualification as voters of all Asiatics as such. Now if such a law were
to be altered public opinion should be so far educated that the majority be not
only not hostile but actually friendly to Asiatics. The colour bar it set up
could only be removed when such cordial feelings were established. This is an
illustration of racial or class legislation. The Act referred to was withdrawn
and a second Act was enacted in its place which nearly achieved an identical
object yet was of a general nature, the sting of racial distinction being
removed. The substance of one of its clauses is as follows: ``No person can be
placed on the voters' roll in Natal who is a native of countries which have not
hitherto possessed elective representative institutions based on the
parliamentary franchise.'' No reference is made here to Indians or Asiatics. The
opinions of counsels could differ as to whether or not India possesses
representative institutions based on the parliamentary franchise. But assuming
for the sake of argument that India did not in 1894 and does not even now enjoy
the parliamentary franchise, no one can say offhand that the officer in charge
of voters' lists in Natal has done an illegal act if he includes the names of
Indians in the lists. There is always a general presumption in favour of the
right of the subject. So long therefore as the government of the day does not
become positively hostile, the names of Indians and others could be included in
the electoral roll, the above law notwithstanding. That is to say, if the
dislike for Indians became less marked and if the local Government was
unwilling to injure the Indians, their names could be entered in the voters'
lists without the slightest modification of the law. This is the advantage of a
general law. Other instances of the same kind can be cited from among the laws
in force in South Africa which have been referred to in previous chapters. The
wise policy, therefore, is to enact as little class legislation as possible;
and it would be wiser still to avoid it altogether. Once a law is enacted, many
difficulties must be encountered before it can be reversed. It is only when
public opinion is highly educated that the laws in force in a country can be
repealed. A constitution under which laws are modified or repealed every now
and then cannot be said to be stable or well organised.

\par We can now better appreciate the poison which was present in the
anti-Asiatic laws in the Transvaal. They were all racial in character. The
Asiatics as such could not vote; nor could they own land outside the locations
set apart for them by the Government. The administrators could do nothing for
the Indians-so long as these laws were not removed from the statute-book. Lord
Milner's committee could make a separate list of such laws only as were not
general in character. Had they been general laws, all laws, enforced only
against the Asiatics though not expressly directed against them, would have
been repealed along with the rest. The officers in charge could never have
argued their helplessness and said that they had no alternative but to enforce
the laws so long as the new legislature did not abrogate them.

\par When these laws passed into the hands of the Asiatic Department it began to
enforce them strictly. If the laws were at all worthy of being enforced,
Government must arm itself with further powers in order to close the loopholes
intentionally kept or left by inadvertence in favour of Asiatics. This looks
quite simple and straight. Either the laws are bad in which case they should be
repealed, or they are proper in which case their deficiencies should be
remedied. The ministers had adopted the policy of enforcing the laws. The
Indians had stood shoulder to shoulder with the British and risked their lives
during the late war, but that was now a story three or four years old. The
British Agent at Pretoria had put up a fight on behalf of the Indians, but that
was during the old regime. The grievances of the Indians figured as one of the
declared causes of the war, but that declaration was made by short-sighted
statesmen who had no knowledge of local conditions. The local officials clearly
observed that the anti-Asiatic laws enacted by the late Boer Government were
neither adequately severe nor systematic. If the Indians could enter the
Transvaal at will and carry on trade wherever they chose, British traders would
suffer great loss. All these and similar arguments carried greater weight with
the Europeans and their representatives in the ministry. They were all out to
amass the maximum of wealth in a minimum of time; how could they stand the
Indians becoming co-sharers with them? Hypocrisy pressed political theory into
service in order to make out a plausible case. A bare-faced selfish or
mercantile argument would not satisfy the intelligent Europeans of South
Africa. The human intellect delights in inventing specious arguments in order
to support injustice itself, and the South African Europeans were no exception
to this general rule. These were the arguments advanced by General Smuts and
others:

\par ``South Africa is a representative of Western civilisation while
India is the centre of Oriental culture. Thinkers of the present generation
hold that these two civilisations cannot go together. If nations representing
these rival cultures meet even in small groups, the result will only be an
explosion. The West is opposed to simplicity while Orientals consider that
virtue to be of primary importance. How can these opposite views be reconciled?
It is not the business of statesmen, practical men as they are, to adjudicate
upon their relative merits. Western civilisation may or may not be good, but
Westerners wish to stick to it. They have made tireless endeavours to save that
civilisation. They have shed rivers of blood for its sake. They have suffered
great hardships in its cause. It is therefore too late for them now to chalk
out a new path for themselves. Thus considered, the Indian question cannot be
resolved into one of trade jealousy or race hatred. The problem is simply one
of preserving one's own civilisation, that is of enjoying the supreme right of
self-preservation and discharging the corresponding duty. Some public speakers
may like to inflame the Europeans by finding fault with Indians, but political
thinkers believe and say that the very qualities of Indians count for defects
in South Africa. The Indians are disliked in South Africa for their simplicity,
patience, perseverance, frugality and otherworldliness. Westerners are
enterprising, impatient, engrossed in multiplying their material wants and in
satisfying them, fond of good cheer, anxious to save physical labour and
prodigal in habits. They are therefore afraid that if thousands of Orientals
settled in South Africa, the Westerners must go to the wall. Westerners in
South Africa are not prepared to commit suicide and their leaders will not
permit them to be reduced to such straits.''

\par I believe I have impartially recapitulated the arguments urged
by men of the highest character among the Europeans. I have characterised their
arguments as pseudo-philosophical, but I do not thereby wish to suggest that
they are groundless. From a practical point of view, that is to say, from the
standpoint of immediate self-interest they have much force. But from the
philosophical point of view, they are hypocrisy pure and simple. In my humble
opinion, no impartial person could accept such conclusions and no reformer
would place his civilisation in the position of helplessness in which those who
urge these arguments have placed theirs. So far as I am aware, no Eastern
thinker fears that if Western nations came free contact with Orientals,
Oriental culture would be swept away like sand by the onrushing tide of Western
civilisation. So far as I have a grasp of Eastern thought, it seems to me that
Oriental civilisation not only does not fear but would positively welcome free
contact with Western civilisation. If contrary instances can be met with in the
East, they do not affect the principle I have laid down, for a number of
illustrations can be cited its support. However that may be, Western thinkers
claim that the foundation of Western civilisation is the pre-dominance of might
over right. Therefore it is that protagonists of that civilisation devote most
of their time to the conservation of brute force. These thinkers wise assert
that the nations which do not increase material wants are doomed to
destruction. It is in pursuance of these principles that Western nations have
settled in South Africa and subdued the numerically overwhelmingly superior
races of South Africa. It is absurd to imagine that they would fear the
harmless population of India. The best proof of the statement that the
Europeans have nothing to fear from the Asiatics is provided by the fact that
had the Indians continued to work in South Africa for all time as mere
labourers, no agitation would have been started against Indian immigration.

\par The only remaining factors are trade and colour. Thousands of
Europeans have admitted in their writings that trade by Indians hits petty
British traders hard, and that the dislike of the brown races has at present
become part and parcel of the mentality of Europeans. Even the United States of
America, where the principle of statutory equality has been established, a man
like Booker T. Washington who has received the best Western education, is a
Christian of high character and has fully assimilated Western civilisation, was
not considered fit for admission to the court of President Roosevelt, and
probably would not be so considered even today. The Negroes of the, United
States have accepted Western civilisation. They embraced Christianity. But the
black pigment of their skin constitutes their crime, and if in the Northern
States they are socially despised, they are lynched in the Southern States on
the slightest suspicion of wrongdoing.

\par The reader will thus see that there is not much substance in the
``philosophical'' arguments discussed above. But he must not therefore conclude
that all those who urge them do so in a hypocritical spirit. Many of them
honestly hold these views to be sound. It is possible that if we were placed in
their position, we too would advance similar arguments. We have a saying in
India that as is a man's conduct, such is his understanding. Who is there but
has observed that our arguments are but a reflection of our mentality, and that
if they do not commend themselves to others, we become dissatisfied, impatient
and even indignant?

\par I have deliberately discussed this question with much minuteness, as I wish
the reader to understand different points of view and in order that the reader,
who has so far not done so, may acquire the habit of appreciating and
respecting varieties of standpoint. Such large-mindedness and such patience are
essential to the understanding of Satyagraha and above all to its practice.
Satyagraha is impossible in the absence of these qualities. I do not write this
book merely for the writing of it. Nor is it my object to place one phase of
the history of South Africa before the public. My object in writing the present
volume is that the nation might know how Satyagraha, for which I live, for
which I desire to live and for which I believe I am equally prepared to die,
originated and how it was practised on a large scale; and knowing this, it may
understand and carry it out to the extent that it is willing and able to do so.

\par To resume our narrative. We have seen that the British administrators
decided to prevent fresh Indian immigrants from entering the Transvaal, and to
render the position of the old Indian settlers so uncomfortable that, they
would feel compelled to leave the country in sheer disgust, and even if they
did not leave it, they would be reduced to a state bordering on serfdom. Some
men looked upon as great statesmen in South Africa had declared more than once
that they could afford to keep the Indians only as hewers of wood and drawers
of water. On the staff of the Asiatic Department was among others Mr Lionel
Curtis who is now known to fame as the missionary for diarchy in India. This
young man, as he then was, enjoyed the confidence of Lord Milner. He claimed to
do everything according to scientific method, but he was capable of committing
serious blunders. The Municipality of Johannesburg had suffered a loss of
£14,000 in consequence of one such blunder committed by him. He suggested that
if fresh Indian immigration was to be stopped, the first step to be taken to
that end was the effective registration of the old Indian residents in South
Africa. That done, no one could smuggle himself into the country by practising
personation, and if any one did, he could be easily detected. The permits which
were issued to Indians after the establishment of British rule in the Transvaal
contained the signature of the holder or his thumb-impression if he was
illiterate. Later on some one suggested the inclusion besides of a photograph
of the holder, and this suggestion was carried out by administrative action,
legislation being unnecessary. The Indian leaders therefore did not come to
know of this innovation at once. When in course of time these novel features
came to their notice, they sent memorials to the authorities, and waited upon
them in deputations on behalf of the community. The official argument was that
Government could not permit Indians to enter the country without regulation of
some sort, and that therefore all Indians should provide themselves with
uniform permits containing such details as might render it impossible for any
one but the rightful holders to enter the country. It was my opinion that
although we were not bound by law to take out such permits, the Government
could insist on requiring them so long as the Peace Preservation Ordinance was
in force. The Peace Preservation Ordinance in South Africa was something like
the Defence of India Act in India. Just as the Defence of India Act was kept on
the statute-book in India longer than necessary in order to harass the people,
so was this Ordinance allowed to remain in force long after the necessity for
it had passed in order to harass Indians in South Africa. As for the Europeans,
it was a dead letter for all practical purposes. Now if permits must be taken
out, they should contain some mark of identification. There was nothing wrong
therefore that those who were illiterate should allow their thumb-impression to
be taken. I did not at all like the inclusion of photographs in the permits.
Musulmans again had religious objections to such a course.

\par The final upshot of the negotiations between the Indian community and the
authorities was that the Indians consented to change their permits for new ones
and agreed that fresh Indian immigrants should take out permits in the new
form. Although the Indians were not bound in law, they voluntarily agreed to
re-registration in the hope that new restrictions might not be imposed upon
them, it might be clear to all concerned that the Indians did not wish to bring
in fresh immigrants by unfair means, and the Peace Preservation Ordinance might
no longer be used to harass newcomers. Almost all Indians thus changed their
old permits for new ones. This was no small thing. The community completed
like one man with the greatest promptitude this re-registration, which they
were not legally bound to carry out. This was a proof of their veracity, tact,
large-mindedness, common sense and humility. It also showed that the community
had no desire to violate in any way any law in force in the Transvaal. The
Indians believed that if they behaved towards the Government with such
courtesy, it would treat them well, show regard to them and confer fresh rights
upon them. We shall see in the next chapter how the British Government in the
Transvaal rewarded them for this great act of courtesy.

\chapter[The Reward of Gentleness? The Black Act]%
	{The Reward of Gentleness?\\The Black Act}

\par The year 1906 was well under way when this re-registration was
completed. I had re-entered the Transvaal in 1903 and opened my office in
Johannesburg about the middle of that year. Two years had thus passed in merely
resisting the inroads of the Asiatic Department. We all expected now that
re-registration would satisfy the Government and confidently looked forward to
a period of comparative peace for the community. But that was not to be. The
reader has been already introduced to Mr Lionel Curtis. This gentleman held,
that the Europeans had not attained their objective simply because the Indians
changed their old permits for new certificates of registration. It was not
enough in his eyes, that great measures were achieved by mutual understanding.
He was of opinion that these should have the force of law behind them, and that
thus only could the principles underlying them be secured for all time. Mr
Curtis wanted some such restrictions to be placed upon Indians as would produce
a striking impression all over South Africa and ultimately serve as a model for
the other Dominions of the Empire to imitate. He would not consider the
Transvaal to be safe so long as even a single point in South Africa was open to
Indians. Again, re-registration by mutual consent was calculated to increase
the prestige of the Indian community while Mr Curtis was keen upon lowering it.
He would not care to carry Indian opinion with him but would frighten us into
submission to external restrictions backed up by rigorous legal sanctions. He
therefore drafted an Asiatic Bill and advised the Government that so long as
his Bill was not passed, there was no provision in the laws already in force to
prevent the Indians from surreptitiously entering the Transvaal or to remove
unauthorised residents from the country. Mr Curtis' arguments met with a ready
response from the Government cat, and a draft Asiatic Law Amendment Ordinance
to be introduced into the Legislative Council was published in the Transvaal
Government Gazette.

\par Before dealing with this Ordinance in detail, it would be well to dispose
of an important event in a few words. As I was the author of the Satyagraha
movement, it is necessary to enable the reader fully to understand some events
of my life. The Zulu ``rebellion'' broke out in Natal just while attempts were
thus being made to impose further disabilities upon Indians in the Transvaal. I
doubted then and doubt even now if the outbreak could be described as a
rebellion, but it has always been thus described in Natal. Now as in the Boer
War, many European residents of Natal joined the army as volunteers. As I too
was considered a resident of Natal, I thought I must do my bit in the war. With
the community's permission, therefore, I made an offer to the Government to
raise a Stretcher-bearer Corps for service with the troops. The offer was
accepted. I therefore broke up my Johannesburg home and sent my family to
Phoenix in Natal where my co-workers had settled and from where Indian Opinion
was published. I did not close the office as I knew I would not be away for
long.

\par I joined the army with a small corps of twenty or twenty-five
men. Most of the provinces of India were represented even on this small body of
men. The corps was on active service for a month. I have always been thankful
to God for the work which then fell to our lot. We found that the wounded Zulus
would have been left uncared for, unless we had attended to them. No European
would help to dress their wounds. Dr Savage, who was in charge of the
ambulance, was himself a very humane person. It was no part of our duty to
nurse the wounded after we had taken them to the hospital. But we had joined
the war with a desire to do all we could, no matter whether it did or did not
fall within the scope of our work. The good Doctor told us that he could not
induce Europeans to nurse Zulus, that it was beyond his power to compel them
and that he would feel obliged if we undertook this mission of mercy. We were
only too glad to do this. We had to cleanse the wounds of several Zulus which
had not been attended to for as many as five or six days and were therefore
stinking horribly. We liked the work. The Zulus could not talk to us, but from
their gestures and the expression of their eyes they seemed to feel as if God
had sent us to their succour.

\par The work for which we had enlisted was fairly heavy, for sometimes during
the month we had to perform a march of as many as forty miles a day.

\par The Corps was disbanded in a month. Its work was mentioned in despatches.
Each member of the Corps was awarded the medal especially struck for the
occasion. The Governor wrote a letter of thanks. The three sergeants of the
Corps were Gujaratis, Shris Umiashankar Manchharam Shelat, Surendra Bapubhai
Medh, and Harishankar Ishvar Joshi. All the three had a fine physique and
worked very hard. I cannot just now recall the names of the other Indians, but
I well remember that one of these was a Pathan, who used to express his
astonishment on finding us carrying as large a load as, and marching abreast
of, himself.

\par While I was working with the Corps, two ideas which had long
been floating in my mind became firmly fixed. First, an aspirant after a life
exclusively devoted to service must lead a life of celibacy. Secondly, he must
accept poverty as a constant companion through life. He may not take up any
occupation which would prevent him or make him shrink from undertaking the
lowliest of duties or largest risks.

\par Letters and telegrams, asking me to proceed to the Transvaal at
once, had poured in, even while I was serving with the Corps. On return from
the war, therefore, I just met the friends at Phoenix and at once reached
Johannesburg. There I read the draft Ordinance referred to above. I took the
Transvaal Government Gazette Extraordinary of August 22, 1906 in which the
Ordinance was published, home from the office. I went up a hill near the house
in the company of a friend and began to translate the draft Ordinance into
Gujarati for Indian Opinion. I shuddered as I read the sections of the
Ordinance one after another. I saw nothing in it except hatred of Indians. It
seemed to me that if the Ordinance was passed and the Indians meekly accepted
it, that would spell absolute ruin for the Indians in South Africa. I clearly
saw that this was a question of life and death for them. I further saw that
even in the case of memorials and representations proving fruitless, the
community must not sit with folded hands. Better die than submit to such a law.
But how were we to die? What should we dare and do so that there would be
nothing before us except a choice of victory or death? An impenetrable wall was
before me, as it were, and I could not see my way through it. I must acquaint
the reader with the details of the proposed measure, which shocked me so
violently. Here is a brief summary of it.

\par Every Indian, man, woman or child of eight years or upwards,
entitled to reside in the Transvaal, must register his or her name with the
Registrar of Asiatics and take out a certificate of registration.

\par The applicants for registration must surrender their old permits to the
Registrar, and state in their applications their name, residence, caste, age,
etc. The Registrar was to note down important marks of identification upon the
applicant's person, and take his finger and thumb impressions. Every Indian who
failed thus to apply for registration before a certain date was to forfeit his
right of residence in the Transvaal. Failure to apply would be held to be an
offence in law for which the defaulter could be fined, sent to prison or even
deported within the discretion of the court. Parents must apply on behalf of
their minor children and bring them to the Registrar in order to give their
finger impressions, etc. In case of parents failing to discharge this
responsibility laid upon them, the minor on attaining the age of sixteen years
must discharge it himself, and if he defaulted, he made himself liable to the
same punishments as could be awarded to his parents. The certificate of
registration issued to an applicant must be produced before any police officer
whenever and wherever he may be required to do so. Failure thus to produce the
certificate would be held to be an offence for which the defaulter could be
fined or sent to prison. Even a person walking on public thoroughfares could be
required to produce his certificate. Police officers could enter private houses
in order to inspect certificates. Indians entering the Transvaal from some
place outside it must produce their certificates before the inspector on duty.
Certificates must be produced on demand in courts which the holder attended on
business, and in revenue offices which issued to him a trading or bicycle
licence. That is to say, if an Indian wanted any Government office to do for
him something within its competence, the officer could ask to see his
certificate before granting his request. Refusal to produce the certificate or
to supply such particulars or means of identification as may be prescribed by
regulation would be also held to be an offence for which the person refusing
could be fined or sent to prison.

\par I have never known legislation of this nature being directed against free
men in any part of the world. I know that indentured Indians in Natal are
subject to a drastic system of passes, but these poor fellows can hardly be
classed as free men. However even the laws to which they are subject are mild
in comparison to the Ordinance outlined above and the penalties they impose are
a mere flea bite when compared with the penalties laid down in the Ordinance. A
trader with assets running into lakhs could be deported and thus faced with
utter ruin in virtue of the Ordinance. And the patient reader will see later on
how persons were even deported for breaking some of its provisions. There are
some drastic laws directed against criminal tribes in India, with which this
Ordinance, can be easily compared and will be found not to suffer by the
comparison. The giving of finger prints, required by the Ordinance, was quite a
novelty in South Africa. With a view to seeing some literature on the subject,
I read a volume on finger impressions by Mr Henry, a police officer, from which
I gathered that finger prints are required by law only from criminals. I was
therefore shocked by this compulsory requirement regarding finger prints.
Again, the registration of women and children under sixteen was proposed for
the first time by thus Ordinance.

\par The next day there was held a small meeting of the leading Indians to whom
I explained the Ordinance word by word. It shocked them as it had shocked me.
One of them said in a fit of passion: ``If any one came forward to demand a
certificate from my wife, I would shoot him on that spot and take the
consequences.'' I quieted him, and addressing the meeting said, ``This is a very
serious crisis. If the Ordinance were passed and if we acquiesced in it, it
would be imitated all over South Africa. As it seems to me, it is designed to
strike at the very root of our existence in South Africa. It is not the last
step, but the first step with a view to hound us out of the country. We are
therefore responsible for the safety, not only of the ten or fifteen thousand
Indians in the Transvaal but of the entire Indian community in South Africa.
Again, if we fully understand all the implications of this legislation, we
shall find that India's honour is in our keeping. For the Ordinance seeks to
humiliate not only ourselves but also the motherland. The humiliation consists
in the degradation of innocent men. No one will take it upon himself to say
that we have done anything to deserve such legislation. We are innocent, and
insult offered to a single innocent member of a nation is tantamount to
insulting the nation as a whole. It will not, therefore, do to be hasty,
impatient or angry. That cannot save us from this onslaught. But God will come
to our help, if we calmly think out and carry out in time measures of
resistance, presenting a united front and bearing the hardship, which such
resistance brings in its train.'' All present realized the seriousness of the
situation and resolved to hold a public meeting at which a number of
resolutions must be proposed and passed. A Jewish theatre was hired for the
purpose.

\chapter{The Advent of Satyagraha}

\par The meeting was duly held on September 11, 1906. It was attended by
delegates from various places in the Transvaal. But I must confess that even I
myself had not then understood all the implications of the resolutions I had
helped to frame; nor had I gauged all the possible conclusions to which they
might lead. The old Empire Theatre was packed from floor to ceiling. I could
read in every face the expectation of something strange to be done or to
happen. Mr Abdul Gani, Chairman of the Transvaal British Indian Association,
presided. He was one of the oldest Indian residents of the Transvaal, and
partner and manager of the Johannesburg branch of the well-known firm of Mamad
Kasam Kamrudin. The most important among the resolutions passed by the meeting
was the famous Fourth Resolution by which the Indians solemnly determined not
to submit to the Ordinance in the event of its becoming law in the teeth of
their opposition and to suffer all the penalties attaching to such
non-submission.

\par I fully explained this resolution to the meeting and received a
patient hearing. The business of the meeting was conducted in Hindi or
Gujarati; it was impossible therefore that any one present should not follow
the proceedings. For the Tamils and Telugus who did not know Hindi there were
Tamil and Telugu speakers who fully explained everything in their respective
languages. The resolution was duly proposed, seconded and supported by several
speakers one of whom was Sheth Haji Habib. He too was a very old and
experienced resident of South Africa and made an impassioned speech. He was
deeply moved and went so far as to say that we must pass this resolution with
God as witness and must never yield a cowardly submission to such degrading
legislation. He then went on solemnly to declare in the name of God that he
would never submit to that law, and advised all present to do likewise. Others
also delivered powerful and angry speeches in supporting the resolution. When
in the course of his speech Sheth Haji Habib came to the solemn declaration, I
was at once startled and put on my guard. Only then did I fully realize my own
responsibility and the responsibility of the community. The, community had
passed many a resolution before and amended such resolutions in the light of
further reflection or fresh experience. There were cases in which resolutions
passed had not been observed by all concerned. Amendments in resolutions and
failure to observe resolutions on the part of persons agreeing thereto are
ordinary experiences of public life all the world over. But no one ever imports
the name of God into such resolutions. In the abstract there should not be any
distinction between a resolution and an oath taken in the name of God. When an
intelligent man makes a resolution deliberately he never swerves front it by a
hair's breadth. With him his resolution carries as much weight as a declaration
made with God as witness does. But the world takes no note of abstract
principles and imagines an ordinary resolution and an oath in the name of God
to be poles asunder. A man who makes an ordinary resolution is not ashamed of
himself when he deviates from it, but a man who violates an oath administered
to him is not only ashamed of himself, but is also looked upon by society as
sinner. This imaginary distinction has struck such a deep root in the human
mind that a person making a statement on oath before a judge is held to have
committed an offence in law it the statement is proved to be false and receives
drastic punishment.

\par Full of these thoughts as I was, possessing as I did much experience of
solemn pledges, having profited by them, I was taken aback by Sheth Haji
Habib's suggestion of an oath. I thought out the possible consequences of it in
a moment. My perplexity gave place to enthusiasm. And although I had no
intention of taking an oath or inviting others to do so when I went to the
meeting, I warmly approved of the Sheth's suggestion. But at the same time it
seemed to me that the people should be told of all the consequences and should
have explained to them clearly the meaning of a pledge. And if even then they
were prepared to pledge themselves, they should be encouraged to do so;
otherwise I must understand that they were not still ready to stand the final
test. I therefore asked the President for permission to explain to the meeting
the implications of Sheth Haji Habib's suggestion. The President readily
granted it and I rose to address the meeting. I give below a summary of my
remarks just as I recall them now:

\par ``I wish to explain to this meeting that there is a difference
between this resolution and every other resolution we have passed up to date
and that there is a wide divergence also in the manner of making it. It is a
very grave resolution we are making, as our existence in South Africa depends
upon our fully observing it. The manner of making the resolution suggested by
our friend is as much of a novelty as of a solemnity. I did not come to the
meeting with a view to getting the resolution passed in that manner, which
redounds to the credit of Sheth Haji Habib as well as it lays a burden of
responsibility upon him. I tender my congratulations to him. I deeply
appreciate his suggestion, but if you adopt it you too will share his
responsibility. You must understand what is this responsibility, and as an
adviser and servant of community, it is my duty fully to explain it to you.

\par ``We all believe in one and the same God, the differences of
nomenclature in Hinduism and Islam notwithstanding. To pledge ourselves or to
take an oath in name of that God or with him as witness is not something to be
trifled with. If having taken such an oath we violate our pledge we are guilty
before God and man. Personally I hold that a man, who deliberately and
intelligently takes a pledge and then breaks it, forfeits his manhood. And just
as a copper coin treated with mercury not only becomes valueless when detected
but also makes its of liable to punishment, in the same way a man who lightly
pledges his word and then breaks it becomes a man of straw and fits himself for
punishment here as well as here-after. Sheth Haji Habib is proposing to
administer an oath of a very serious character. There is no one in this meeting
who can be classed as an infant or as wanting in understanding. You are all
well advanced in age and have seen the world; many of you are delegates and
have discharged responsibilities in a greater or lesser measure. No one
present, therefore, can ever hope to excuse himself by saying that he did not
know what he was about when he took the oath.

\par ``I know that pledges and vows are, and should be, taken on rare occasions.
A man who takes a vow even now and then is sure to stumble. But if I can
imagine a crisis in the history of the Indian community of South Africa when it
would be in the fitness of things to take pledges that crisis is surely now.
There is wisdom in taking serious steps with great caution and hesitation. But
caution and hesitation have their limits, and we have now passed them. The
Government has taken leave of all sense of decency. We would only be betraying
our unworthiness and cowardice, if we cannot stake our all in the face of the
conflagration which envelopes us and sit watching it with folded hands. There
is no doubt, therefore, that the present is a proper occasion for taking
pledges. But every one of us must think out for himself if he has the will and
the ability to pledge himself. Resolutions of this nature cannot be passed by a
majority vote. Only those who take a pledge can be bound by it. This pledge
must not be taken with a view to produce an effect on outsiders. No one should
trouble to consider what impression it might have upon the Local Government,
the Imperial Government, or the Government of India. Every one must only search
his own heart, and if the inner voice assures him that he has the requisite
strength to carry him through, then only should he pledge himself and then only
will his pledge bear fruit.

\par ``A few words now as to the consequences. Hoping for the best, we may say
that if a majority of the Indians pledge themselves to resistance and if all
who take the pledge prove true to themselves, the Ordinance may not be passed
and, if passed, may soon repealed. It may be that we may not be called upon to
suffer at all. But if on the one hand a man who takes a pledge must be a robust
optimist, on the other hand he must be prepared for the worst. Therefore I want
to give you an idea of the worst that might happen to us in the present
struggle. Imagine that all of us present here numbering 3,000 at the most
pledge ourselves. Imagine again that the remaining 10,000 Indians take no such
pledge. We will only provoke ridicule in the beginning. Again, it is quite
possible that in spite of the present warning some or many of those who pledge
themselves may weaken at the very first trial. We may have to go to jail, where
we may be insulted. We may have to go hungry and suffer extreme heat or cold.
Hard labour may be imposed upon us. We may be flogged by rude warders. We may
be fined heavily and our property may be attached and held up to auction if
there are only a few resisters left. Opulent today we may be reduced to abject
poverty tomorrow. We may be deported. Suffering from starvation and similar
hardships in jail, some of us may fall ill and even die. In short, therefore,
it is not at all impossible that we may have to endure every hardship that we
can imagine, and wisdom lies in pledging ourselves on the understanding that we
shall have to suffer all that and worse. If some one asks me when and how the
struggle may end, I may say that if the entire community manfully stands the
test, the end will be near. If many of us fall back under storm and stress, the
struggle will be prolonged. But I can boldly declare, and with certainty, that
so long as there is even a handful of men true to their pledge, there can only
be one end to the struggle, and that is victory.

\par ``A word about my personal responsibility: If I am warning you of the risks
attendant upon the pledge, I am at the same time inviting you to pledge
yourselves, and I am fully conscious of my responsibility in the matter. It is
possible that a majority of those present here may take the pledge in a fit of
enthusiasm or indignation but may weaken under the ordeal, and only a handful
may be left to face the final test. Even then there is only one course open to
some one like me, to die but not to submit to the law. It is quite unlikely but
even if every one else flinched leaving me alone to face the music, I am
confident that I would never violate my pledge. Please do not misunderstand me.
I am not saying this out of vanity, but I wish to put you, especially the
leaders upon the platform, on your guard. I wish respectfully to suggest it to
you that if you have not the will or the ability to stand firm even when you
are perfectly isolated, you must not only not take the pledge yourselves but
you must declare your opposition before the resolution is put to the meeting
and before its members begin to take pledges and you must not make yourselves
parties to the resolution. Although we are going to take the pledge in a body,
no one should imagine that default on the part of one or many can absolve the
rest from their obligation. Every one should fully realize his responsibility,
then only pledge himself independently of others and understand that he himself
must be true to his pledge even unto death, no matter what others do.''

\par I spoke to this effect and resumed my seat. The meeting heard me
word by word in perfect quiet. Other leaders too spoke. All dwelt upon their
own responsibility and the responsibility of the audience. The President rose.
He too made the situation clear, and at last all present, standing with
upraised hands, took an oath with God as witness not to submit to the Ordinance
if it became law. I can never forget the scene, which is present before my
mind's eye as I write. The community's enthusiasm knew no bounds. The very next
day there was some accident in the theatre in consequence of which it was
wholly destroyed by fire. On the third day friends brought me the news of the
fire and congratulated the community upon this good omen, which signified to
them that the Ordinance would meet the same fate as the theatre. I have never
been influenced by such so-called signs and therefore did not attach any weight
to the coincidence. I have taken note of it here only as a demonstration of the
community's courage and faith. The reader will find in the subsequent chapters
many more proofs of these two high qualities of the people.

\par The workers did not let the grass grow under their feet after
this great meeting. Meetings were held everywhere and pledges of resistance
were taken in every place. The principal topic of discussion in Indian Opinion
now was the Black Ordinance.

\par At the other end, steps were taken in order to meet the Local Government. A
deputation waited upon Mr Duncan, the Colonial Secretary, and told him among
other things about the pledges. Sheth Haji Habib, who was a member of the
deputation, said, ``I cannot possibly restrain myself if any officer comes and
proceeds to take my wife's finger prints. I will kill him there and then and
die myself.'' The Minister stared at the Sheth's face for a while and said,
``Government is reconsidering the advisability of making the Ordinance
applicable to women, and I can assure you at once that the clauses relating to
women will be deleted. Government have understood your feeling in the matter
and desire to respect it. But as for the other provisions, I am sorry to inform
you that Government is and will remain adamant. General Botha wants you to
agree to this legislation after due deliberation. Government deem it to be
essential to the existence of the Europeans. They will certainly consider any
suggestions about details which you may make consistently with the objects of
the Ordinance, and my advice to the deputation is that your interest lies in
agreeing to the legislation and proposing changes only as regards the details.''
I am leaving out here the particulars of the discussion with the Minister, as
all those arguments have already been dealt with. The arguments were just the
same, there was only a difference in phraseology as they were set forth before
the Minister. The deputation withdrew, after informing him that his advice
notwithstanding, acquiescence in the proposed legislation was out of the
question, and after thanking Government for its intention of exempting women
from its provisions. It is difficult to say whether the exemption of women was
the first fruit of the community's agitation, or whether the Government as an
afterthought made a concession to practical considerations which Mr Curtis had
ruled out of his scientific methods. Government claimed that it had decided to
exempt women independently of the Indian agitation. Be that as it might, the
community established to their own satisfaction a cause and effect relation
between the agitation and the exemption and their fighting spirit rose
accordingly.

\par None of us knew what name to give to our movement. I then used the term
``passive resistance'' in describing it. I did not quite understand the
implications of ``passive resistance'' as I called it. I only knew that some new
principle had come into being. As the struggle advanced, the phrase ``passive
resistance'' gave rise to confusion and it appeared shameful to permit this
great struggle to be known only by an English name. Again, that foreign phrase
could hardly pass as current coin among the community. A small prize was
therefore announced in Indian Opinion to be awarded to the reader who invented.
the best designation for our struggle. We thus received a number of
suggestions. The meaning of the struggle had been then fully discussed in
Indian Opinion and the competitors for the prize had fairly sufficient material
to serve as a basis for their exploration. Shri Maganlal Gandhi was one of the
competitors and he suggested the word ``Sadagraha,'' meaning. ``firmness in a good
cause.'' I liked the word, but it did not fully represent the whole idea I
wished it to connote. I therefore corrected it to ``Satyagraha.'' Truth (Satya)
implies love, and firmness (agraha) engenders and therefore serves as a synonym
for force. I thus began to call the Indian movement ``Satyagraha,'' that is to
say, the Force which is born of Truth and Love or non-violence, and gave up the
use of the phrase ``passive resistance,'' in connection with it, so much so that
even in English writing we often avoided it and used instead the word
``Satyagraha'' itself or some other equivalent English phrase. This then was the
genesis of the movement which came to be known as Satyagraha, and of the word
used as a designation for it. Before we proceed any further with our history we
shall do well to grasp the differences between passive resistance and
Satyagraha, which is the subject of our next chapter.

\chapter{Satyagraha vs. Passive resistance}

\par As the movement advanced, Englishmen too began to watch it with
interest. Although the English newspapers in the Transvaal generally wrote in
support of the Europeans and of the Black Act, they willingly published
contributions from well-known Indians. They also published Indian
representations to Government in full or at least a summary of these, sometimes
sent their reporters to important meetings of the Indians, and when such was
not the case, made room for the brief reports we sent them.

\par These amenities were of course very useful to the community, but
by and by some leading Europeans came to take interest in the movement as it
progressed. One of these was Mr Hosken, one of the magnates of Johannesburg. He
had always been free from colour prejudice but his interest in the Indian
question deepened after the starting of Satyagraha. The Europeans of Germiston,
which is something like a suburb of Johannesburg, expressed a desire to hear
me. A meeting was held, and introducing me and the movement I stood for to the
audience, Mr Hosken observed, ``The Transvaal Indians have had recourse to
passive resistance when all other means of securing redress proved to be of no
avail. They do not enjoy the franchise. Numerically, they are only a few. They
are weak and have no arms. Therefore they have taken to passive resistance
which is a weapon of the weak.'' These observations took me by surprise, and the
speech which I was going to make took an altogether different complexion in
consequence. In contradicting Mr Hosken, I defined our passive resistance as
``soul force.'' I saw at this meeting that a use of the phrase ``passive
resistance'' was apt to give rise to terrible misunderstanding. I will try to
distinguish between passive resistance and soul force by amplifying the
argument which I made before that meeting so as to make things clearer.

\par I have no idea when the phrase ``passive resistance'' was first
used in English and by whom. But among the English people, whenever a small
minority did not approve of some obnoxious piece of legislation, instead of
rising in rebellion they took the passive or milder step of not submitting to
the law and inviting the penalties of such non-submission upon their heads.
When the British Parliament passed the Education Act some years ago, the
Non-conformists offered passive resistance under the leadership of Dr Clifford.
The great movement of the English women for the vote was also known as passive
resistance. It was in view of these two cases that Mr Hosken described passive
resistance as a weapon of the weak or the voteless. Dr Clifford and his friends
had the vote, but as they were in a minority in the Parliament, they could not
prevent the passage of the Education Act. That is to say, they were weak in
numbers. Not that they were averse to the use of arms for the attainment of
their aims, but they had no hope of succeeding by force of arms. And in a
well-regulated state, recourse to arms every now and then in order to secure
popular rights would defeat its own purpose. Again some of the Non-conformists
would generally object to taking up arms even if it was a practical
proposition. The suffragists had no franchise rights. They were weak in numbers
as well as in physical force. Thus their case lent colour to Mr Hosken's
observations. The suffragist movement did not eschew the use of physical force.
Some suffragists fired buildings and even assaulted men. I do not think they
ever intended to kill any one. But they did intend to thrash people when an
opportunity occurred, and even thus to make things hot for them.

\par But brute force had absolutely no place in the Indian movement in any
circumstance, and the reader will see, as we proceed, that no matter how badly
they suffered, the Satyagrahis never used physical force, and that too although
there were occasions when they were in a position to use it effectively. Again,
although the Indians had no franchise and were weak, these considerations had
nothing to do with the organisation of Satyagraha. This is not to say, that the
Indians would have taken to Satyagraha even if they had possessed arms or the
franchise. Probably there would not have been any scope for Satyagraha if they
had the franchise. If they had arms, the opposite party would have thought
twice before antagonising them. One can therefore understand, that people who
possess arms would have fewer occasions for offering Satyagraha. My point is
that I can definitely assert that in planning the Indian movement there never
was the slightest thought given to the possibility or otherwise of offering
armed resistance. Satyagraha is soul force pure and simple, and whenever and
to whatever extent there is room for the use of arms or physical force or brute
force, there and to that extent is there so much less possibility for soul
force. These are purely antagonistic forces in my view, and I had full
realization of this antagonism even at the time of the advent of Satyagraha.

\par We will not stop here to consider whether these views are right or wrong.
We are only concerned to note the distinction between passive resistance and
Satyagraha, and we have seen that there is a great and fundamental difference
between the two. If without understanding this, those who call themselves
either passive resisters or Satyagrahis believe both to be one and the same
thing, there would be injustice to both leading to untoward consequences. The
result of our using the phrase ``passive resistance'' in South Africa was, not
that people admired us by ascribing to us the bravery and the self-sacrifice of
the suffragists but we were mistaken to be a danger to person and property
which the suffragists were, and even a .generous friend like Mr Hosken imagined
us to be weak. The power of suggestion is such, that a man at last becomes what
he believes himself to be. If we continue to believe ourselves and let others
believe, that we are weak and helpless and therefore offer passive resistance,
our resistance would never make us strong, and at the earliest opportunity we
would give up passive resistance as a weapon of the weak. On the other hand if
we are Satyagrahis and offer Satyagraha believing ourselves to be strong, two
clear consequences result from it. Fostering the idea of strength, we grow
stronger and stronger every day. With the increase in our strength, our
Satyagraha too becomes more effective and we would never be casting about for
an opportunity to give it up. Again, while there is no scope for love in
passive resistance, on the other hand not only has hatred no place in
Satyagraha but is a positive breach of its ruling principle. While in passive
resistance there is a scope for the use of arms when a suitable occasion
arrives, in Satyagraha physical force is forbidden even in the most favourable
circumstances. Passive resistance is often looked upon as a preparation for the
use of force while Satyagraha can never be utilised as such. Passive resistance
may be offered side by side with the use of arms. Satyagraha and brute force,
being each a negation of the other, can never go together. Satyagraha may be
offered to one's nearest and dearest; passive resistance can never be offered
to them unless of course they have ceased to be dear and become an object of
hatred to us. In passive resistance there is always present an idea of
harassing the other party and there is a simultaneous readiness to undergo any
hardships entailed upon us by such activity; while in Satyagraha there is not
the remotest idea of injuring the opponent. Satyagraha postulates the conquest
of the adversary by suffering in one's own person.

\par These are the distinctions between the two forces. But I do not wish to
suggest that the merits, or if you like, the defects of passive resistance thus
enumerated are to be seen in every movement which passes by that name. But it
can be shown that these defects have been noticed in many cases of passive
resistance. Jesus Christ indeed has been acclaimed as the prince of passive
resisters but I submit in that case passive resistance must mean Satyagraha and
Satyagraha alone. There are not many cases in history of passive resistance in
that sense. One of these is that of the Doukhobors of Russia cited by Tolstoy.
The phrase passive resistance was not employed to denote the patient suffering
of oppression by thousands of devout Christians in the early days of
Christianity. I would therefore class them as Satyagrahis. And if their
conduct be described as passive resistance, passive resistance becomes
synonymous with Satyagraha. It has been my object in the present chapter to
show that Satyagraha is essentially different from what people generally mean
in English by the phrase ``passive resistance.''

\par While enumerating the characteristics of passive resistance, I
had to sound a note of warning in order to avoid injustice being done to those
who had recourse to it. It is also necessary to point out that I do not claim
for people calling themselves Satyagrahis all the merits which I have described
as being characteristic of Satyagraha. I am not unaware of the fact that many a
Satyagrahi so called is an utter stranger to them. Many suppose Satyagraha to
be a weapon of the weak. Others have said that it is a preparation for armed
resistance. But I must repeat once more that it has not been my object to
describe Satyagrahis as they are but to set forth the implications of
Satyagraha and the characteristics of Satyagrahis as they ought to be.

\par In a word, we had to invent a new term clearly to denote the movement of
the Indians in the Transvaal and to prevent its being confused with passive
resistance generally so called. I have tried to show in the present chapter the
various principles which were then held to be a part and parcel of the
connotation of that term.

\chapter{Deputation to England}

\par In the Transvaal itself we took all necessary measures for resisting the
Black Act such as approaching the Local Government with memorials, etc. The
Legislative Council deleted the clause affecting women but the rest of the
Ordinance was passed practically in the shape in which it was first drafted.
The spirit of the community was then high and having closed its ranks it was
unanimous in opposition to the Ordinance. No one therefore was despondent. We
however still adhered to the resolution to exhaust all appropriate
constitutional remedies in the first instance. The Transvaal was yet a Crown
Colony, so that the Imperial Government was responsible for its legislation as
well as its administration. Therefore the royal assent to measures passed by
its legislature was not a mere formality, but very often it might so happen
that the King, as advised by his ministers, might withhold his assent to such
measures if they were found to be in conflict with the spirit of the British
constitution. On the other hand, in the case of a Colony enjoying responsible
government the royal assent to measures passed by its legislature is more often
than not a matter of course.

\par I submitted to the community that if a deputation was to go to
England, it was as well that they realized their responsibility in the matter
still more fully, and with this end in view I placed three suggestions before
our Association. First, although we had taken pledges at the meeting in the
Empire Theatre, we should once again obtain individual pledges from leading
Indians, so that if they had given way to doubt or weakness, they would be
found out. One of the reasons advanced by me in support of this suggestion
was, that if the deputation was backed up by Satyagraha, they would then have
no fears and could boldly inform the Secretary of State for India and the
Secretary of State for the Colonies about the resolution of the community.
Secondly, arrangements for meeting the expenses of the deputation must be made
in advance. And thirdly, the maximum number of members should be fixed. I made
this last suggestion in order to correct the current misapprehension that a
large number of members would be able to put in more work, and to bring this
idea into relief that the members should join the deputation not because it was
an honour to them but with a single-minded devotion to the cause. The three
suggestions were accepted. Signatures were taken. Many signed the pledge, but
still I saw even among those who had orally pledged themselves at the meeting,
there were some who hesitated to sign it. When once a man has pledged himself
he need not hesitate to pledge himself a hundred times. But yet it is no
uncommon experience to find men weakening in regard to pledges deliberately
taken and getting perplexed when asked to put down a verbal pledge in black and
white. The necessary funds, too, were found. The greatest difficulty however
was encountered in selecting the personnel of the deputation. I was to go, but
who would go with me? The Committee took much time in arriving at a decision.
Many a night passed, and we had a full experience of the bad habits which are
generally prevalent in associations. Some proposed to cut the Gordian knot by
asking me to go alone, but I flatly declined. There was for all practical
purposes no Hindu-Muslim problem in South Africa. But it could not be claimed
that there were no differences between the two sections and if these
differences never assumed an acute form, that may have been to some extent due
to the peculiar conditions in South Africa, but was largely and definitely due
to the leaders having worked with devotion and frankness and thus given a fine
lead to the community. My advice was that there must be a Musulman gentleman
going with me, and that the personnel should be limited to two. But the Hindus
at once said that as I represented the Indian community as a whole, there
should be a representative of Hindu interests. Some even said that there should
be one Konkani Musulman, one Meman, one Patidar, one Anavala and so on. At
last, all understood the real position, and only two of us, Mr H.O. Ali and
myself were duly elected.

\par H. O. Ali could be considered a semi-Malay. His father was an
Indian Musulman and his mother a Malay. His mother tongue, we might say, was
Dutch. But he had been so well educated in English that he could speak Dutch
and English equally well. He had also cultivated the art of writing to the
newspapers. He was a member of the Transvaal British Indian Association and he
had long been taking part in public affairs. He spoke Hindustani, too, freely.

\par We set to work as soon as we reached England. We got printed the memorial
to be submitted to the Secretary of State which we had drafted in the steamer
on our way to England. Lord Elgin was Secretary of State for the Colonies and
Lord (then Mr) Morley Secretary of State for India. We met Dadabhai and through
him the British Committee of the Indian National Congress. We placed our case
before it and signified our intention to seek the cooperation of all the
parties, as advised by Dadabhai. The Committee approved of our policy.
Similarly we met Sir Muncherji Bhownuggree, who also was of much help. He as
well as Dadabhai advised us to secure the Co-operation of some impartial and
well-known Anglo-Indian who should introduce our deputation to Lord Elgin. Sir
Muncherji suggested some names, too, one of which was that of Sir Lepel
Griffin. Sir W. W. Hunter was now no longer alive; or else on account of his
deep knowledge of the condition of Indians in South Africa he would have led
the deputation himself or induced some influential member of the House of Lords
to do so.

\par We met Sir Lepel Griffin. He was opposed to current political movements in
India, but he was much interested in this question and agreed to lead the
deputation not for the sake of courtesy but for the justice and righteousness
of our cause. He read all the papers and became familiar with the problem. We
likewise interviewed other Anglo-Indians, Members of Parliament, and as many
others of any importance as were within our reach. The deputation waited upon
Lord Elgin who heard everything with attention, expressed his sympathy,
reterred to his own difficulties and yet promised to do for us all he could.
The same deputation met Mr Morley who also declared his sympathy and whose
observations in replying to the deputation I have already summarised. Sir
William Wedderburn was instrumental in calling a meeting of the Committee of
the House of Commons for Indian Affairs in the drawing-room of the House and we
placed our case before them too as best we could. We met Mr Redmond, the then
leader of the Irish Party. In short, we met as many members of Parliament as we
could, irrespective of the party to which they belonged. The British Committee
of the Indian National Congress was of course very helpful. But according to
English customs men belonging to a certain party and holding certain views only
would join it, while there were many others who had nothing to do with the
Committee but yet rendered us all possible assistance. We determined to
organise a standing committee upon which all these could come together and thus
be even more useful in watching over our interests and men of all parties liked
our idea.

\par The burden of carrying on the work of an institution chiefly falls upon its
secretary. The secretary should be such, that not only does he have full faith
in the aims and the objects of the institution, but he should be able to devote
nearly all his time to the achievement of these aims and has great capacity for
work. Mr L. W. Ritch, who belonged to South Africa, was formerly articled to
me and was now a student for the bar in London, satisfied all the requirements.
He was there in England and was also desirous of taking up the work. We
therefore ventured to form the South Africa British Indian Committee.

\par In England and other Western countries there is one, in my view,
barbarous custom of inaugurating movements at dinners. The British Premier
delivers in the Mansion House on the ninth of November an important speech in
which he adumbrates his programme for the year and publishes his own forecast
of the future, and which therefore attracts universal notice. Cabinet ministers
among others are invited to dinner by the Lord Mayor of London, and when the
dinner is over, bottles of wine are uncorked, all present drink to the health
of the host and the guest, and speeches too are made while this merry business
is in progress. The toast for the British Cabinet is proposed and the Premier
makes the important speech referred in reply to it. And as in public, so in
private, the person with whom some important conversations are to be held is,
as a matter of custom, invited to dinner, and the topic of the day is broached
either at or after dinner. We too had to observe this custom not once but quite
a number of times, although of course we never touched meat or liquor. We thus
invited our principal supporters to lunch. About a hundred covers were laid.
The idea was to tender our thanks to our friends, to bid them goodbye and at
the same time to constitute the Standing Committee. He, too, speeches were
made, as usual, after dinner, and the Committee was also organised. We thus
obtained greater publicity for our movement.

\par After a stay in England of about six weeks we returned to South Africa.
When we reached Madeira, we received a cablegram from Mr Ritch to the effect
that Lord Elgin had declared that he was unable without further consideration
to advice His Majesty the King that the Transvaal Asiatic Ordinance should be
brought into operation. Our joy knew no bounds. The steamer took about a
fortnight to reach Cape Town from Madeira and we had quite a good time of it
during these days and built many castles in the air about the coming redress of
many more grievances. But the ways of Providence are inscrutable. We shall see
in the next chapter how the castles we had laboriously built toppled down and
passed into nothingness.

\par But I must place one or two sacred reminiscences on record
before closing this chapter. We had utilised every single minute of our time in
England. The sending of a large number of circulars etc., could not be done
singe handed, and we were sorely in need of outside help. Money indeed does
bring us this kind of help, but my experience ranging over forty years has
taught me that assistance thus purchased can never compare with purely
voluntary service. Fortunately for us we had many volunteer helpers.

Many an Indian youth who was in England for study surrounded us and some of
them helped us day and night without any hope of reward or fame. I do not
remember that any of them ever refused to do anything as being beneath his
dignity, be it the writing of addresses or the fixing of stamps or the posting
of letters. But there was an English friend named Symonds who cast all these
into the shade. Whom the Gods love die young and so did this benevolent
Englishman. I first met him in South Africa. He had been in India. When he was
in Bombay in 1897, he moved fearlessly among the Indians affected by the plague
and nursed them. It had become a second nature with him not to be daunted by
death when ministering to sufferers from infectious diseases. He was perfectly
free from any race or colour prejudice. He was independent in temperament. He
believed that truth is always with the minority. It was this belief of his
which first drew him to me in Johannesburg, and he often humorously assured me
that he would withdraw his support of me if he ever found me in a majority, as
he was of opinion that truth itself is corrupted in the hands of a majority. He
had read very widely. He was private secretary to Sir George Farrar, one of the
millionaires of Johannesburg. He was an expert stenographer. He happened to be
in England when we were there. I did not know where he was, but the noble
Englishman found us out as our public work had secured for us newspaper
advertisement. He expressed his willingness to do for us anything he could. ``I
will work as a servant if you like,'' he said, ``and if you need a stenographer,
you know you can scarcely come across the like of me.'' We were in need of both
these kinds of help, and I am not exaggerating when I say that this Englishmen
toiled for us day and night without any payment. He was always on the
typewriter till twelve or one o'clock at night. Symonds would carry messages
and post letters, always with a smile curling round his lips. His monthly
income was about forty-five pounds, but he spent it all in helping his friends
and others. He was about thirty years of age. He was unmarried and wanted to
remain so all his life. I pressed him hard to accept some payment, but he
flatly refused and said, ``I would be failing in my duty if I accepted any
remuneration for this service.'' I remember that on the last night he was awake
till three o'clock while we were winding up our business and packing our
things. He parted with us the next day after seeing us off on the steamer, and
a sad parting it was. I have often experienced that benevolence is by no means
peculiar to the brown skin.

\par For the benefit of young aspirants after public work, I note down the fact
that we were so punctilious in keeping the accounts of the deputation that we
preserved even such trifling vouchers as the receipts for the money spent in
the steamers upon, say, soda water. Similarly we preserved the receipts for
telegrams. I do not remember to have entered a single item under sundries when
writing the detailed accounts. As a rule, sundries did not figure in our
accounts at all, and if they did they were intended to cover a few pennies or
shillings the manner of whose spending we could not recall at the time of
writing the accounts at the end of the day.

\par I have clearly observed in this life the fact that we become trustees or
responsible agents from the time that we reach years of discretion. So long as
we are with our parents, we must account to them for moneys or business they
entrust to us. They may be sure of our rectitude and may not ask us for
accounts, but that does not affect our responsibility. When we become
independent householders, there arises the responsibility to our family. We are
not the sole proprietors of our acquisitions; our family is a co-sharer of them
along with ourselves. We must account for every single pie for their sake. If
such is our responsibility in private life, in public life it is all the
greater. I have observed that voluntary workers are apt to behave as if they
were not bound to render a detailed account of the business or moneys with
which they are entrusted because like Caesar's wife they are above suspicion.
This is sheer nonsense, as the keeping of accounts has nothing whatever to do
with trustworthiness or the reverse. Keeping accounts is an independent duty,
the performance of which is essential to clean work, and if the leading workers
of the institution which we voluntarily serve do not ask us for accounts out of
a sense of false courtesy or fear, they too are equally to blame. If a paid
servant is bound to account for work done and money spent by him, the volunteer
is doubly bound to do so, for his very work is as a reward to him. This is a
very important matter, and as I know that this is generally not sufficiently
attended to in many institutions, I have ventured to take up so much space here
in adverting to the subject.

\chapter{Crooked Policy}

\par As soon as we landed at Cape Town, and more so when we reached
Johannesburg, we saw that we had overrated the Madeira cablegram. Mr Ritch who
sent it was not responsible for this. He cabled only what he had heard about
the measure being disallowed. As we have already observed, the Transvaal was
then, that is to say in 1906, a Crown Colony. Crown Colonies are represented in
England by agents one of whose duties it is to instruct the Secretary of State
for the Colonies in all matters affecting Colonial interests. The Transvaal was
then represented by Sir Richard Solomon, the noted lawyer of South Africa. Lord
Elgin had disallowed the Black Act in consultation with him. Responsible
government was to be conferred on the Transvaal on January 1, 1907. Lord Elgin
therefore assured Sir Richard that if an identical measure was passed by the
Transvaal legislature constituted after the grant of responsible government, it
would not be refused the royal assent. But so long as the Transvaal was a Crown
Colony, the Imperial Government would be held directly responsible for such
class legislation, and as racial discrimination was a departure from the
fundamental principles of the British Empire, he could not but advise His
Majesty to disallow the measure in question.

\par If the measure was to be thus disallowed only in name and if the Transvaal
Europeans could at the same time have their own ways, Sir Richard Solomon had
no reason to object to such an excellent arrangement. I have characterised this
as crooked policy, but I believe it could be given a still harsher name with
prefect justice. The Imperial Government is directly responsible for the
legislation of Crown Colonies, and there is no place in its constitution for
discrimination on the ground of race or colour. So far so good. One can also
understand that the Imperial Government could not all at once disallow measures
passed by the legislatures of Colonies enjoying responsible government. But to
hold private conferences with Colonial agents and in advance to promise the
royal assent to legislation which is in open violation of the Imperial
Constitution, ?what is this if it is not a breach of faith and an injustice to
those whose rights are thus pilfered? Really speaking Lord Elgin by his
assurance encouraged the Transvaal Europeans in their anti-Indian activities.
If he wanted to do this, he ought to have told the Indian deputation so in
plain terms. As a matter of fact the Empire cannot escape responsibility even
for the legislation of Colonies enjoying responsible government. Even such
Colonies are bound to accept the fundamental principles of the British
Constitution. As for example no such Colony can revive the institution of
legalised slavery. If Lord Elgin disallowed the Black Act because it was an
improper piece of legislation, and he could disallow it only on this ground, it
was his clear duty privately to have warned Sir Richard Solomon that the
Transvaal could not enact such an iniquitous law after the grant of responsible
government, and if it had any intention of doing so, the Imperial Government
would be constrained to reconsider the advisability of granting it any such
superior status. Or he should have told Sir Richard that responsible government
could be conferred only on the condition that the rights of the Indians were
fully safeguarded. Instead of following such straightforward procedure, Lord
Elgin made an outward show of friendliness to the Indians, while at the same
time he really and secretly supported the Transvaal Government and encouraged
it to pass once more the very law which he had vetoed himself. This is not the
only or the first case of such tortuous policy followed by the British Empire.
Even an indifferent student of its history will easily recall similar
incidents.

\par In Johannesburg, therefore, the sole topic of conversation was the trick
played upon us by Lord Elgin and the Imperial Government. Our disappointment in
South Africa was as deep as had been our joy in Madeira. Yet the immediate
consequence of this deception was that the community became even more
enthusiastic than before. Every one said that we must never fear as our
struggle was independent of any help from the Imperial Government. We must look
for assistance only to our own selves and to that God in Whose name we had
pledged ourselves to resistance. And even crooked policy would in time turn
straight if only we were true to ourselves.

\par Responsible government was established in the Transvaal. The
first measure passed by the new Parliament was the budget; the second was the
Asiatic Registration Act, which was, except for an alteration in the date
specified in one of its clauses, which lapse of time made necessary, an exact
replica of the original Ordinance, and was rushed through all its stages at a
single sitting on March 21, 1907. The disallowance of the Ordinance, therefore,
was forgotten as if it was a dream. The Indians submitted memorials, etc. as
usual, but who would listen to them? The Act was proclaimed to take effect from
July 1, 1907 and Indians were called upon to apply for registration under it
before July 31. The delay in enforcing the Act was due not to any desire to
oblige the Indians, but to the exigencies of the case. Some time must elapse
before the formal sanction of the Crown to the measure was signified, and the
preparation of the forms set forth in schedules and the opening of permit
offices at various centres would also take time. The delay therefore was
intended solely for the Transvaal Government's own convenience.

\chapter{Ahmed Muhammad Kachhalia}

\par When the deputation was on its way to England, I happened to
talk about the anti-Asiatic legislation in the Transvaal with an Englishman who
had settled in South Africa, and when I informed him of the object of our visit
to England, he exclaimed, ``I see you are going to London in order to get rid of
the dog's collar.'' He thus compared the Transvaal permit to a dog's collar, but
I did not quite understand then, and cannot exactly tell while recording that
incident even now, whether he thus intended to express his contempt for the
Indians and joy at their humiliation, or whether he only meant to show his
strong feeling in the matter. According to the golden rule that a person's
words must not be interpreted so as to do him an injustice, I take it that the
gentleman used this graphic language only in order to evince his strong
feeling. However that may be, the Transvaal Government on one side was
preparing to throw the dog's collar on the Indians' necks, while on the other
side the Indians were getting ready to put up a fight against the wicked policy
of that Government and were concerting measures calculated to strengthen them
in their resolution never to wear that collar. Of course, we were writing
letters to friends in England as well as in India and trying thus to keep them
in touch with the situation from day to day. But a Satyagraha struggle depends
but little upon help from outside, and it is only internal remedies that are
effective. The leaders' time therefore was chiefly taken up with the
endeavours to keep all the elements of the community up to the mark.

\par One important question before us was what agency we should use for carrying
on the struggle. The Transvaal British Indian Association had a large
membership. Satyagraha had not yet seen the light of the day when it was
established. The Association had resisted in the past, and must resist in the
future, not one obnoxious law, but quite a host of them. Besides organising
resistance to obnoxious legislation, it had many other functions of a political
and social nature to perform. Again all the members of the Association were not
pledged to resist the Black Act through Satyagraha. At the same time we must
take account of external risks to which the Association would be exposed in the
event of its being identified with the Satyagraha struggle. What if the
Transvaal Government declared the struggle to be seditious and all institutions
carrying it on as illegal bodies? What would, in such a case, be the position
of members who were not Satyagrahis? And what about the funds which were
contributed at a time when Satyagraha was not so much as thought of? All these
were weighty considerations. Lastly, the Satyagrahis were strongly of opinion
that they not only must not entertain any ill-will against those who did not
join the struggle whether for want of faith or weakness or any other reason
whatever, but must maintain their present friendly relations with them
unimpaired and even work side by side with them in all other movements except
the Satyagraha struggle.

\par For all these reasons the community came to the conclusion that
the Satyagraha struggle should not be carried on through any of the existing
organisations. They might render all help in their power and resist the Black
Act in every way open to them except that of Satyagraha, for which a new body
named the ``Passive Resistance Association'' was started by the Satyagrahis. The
reader will see from this English name that the word Satyagraha had not yet
been invented when this new Association came into being. Time fully justified
the wisdom of constituting a fresh body for the work, and the Satyagraha
movement might perhaps have suffered a setback if any of the existing
organisations had been mixed up with it. Numerous members joined this new
Association, and the community furnished it funds too with a lavish hand.

\par My experience has taught me that no movement ever stops or languishes for
want of funds. This does not mean that any temporal movement can go on without
money, but it does mean that wherever it has good men and true at its helm, it
is bound to attract to itself the requisite funds. On the other hand, I have
also observed that a movement takes its downward course from the time that it
is afflicted with a plethora of funds. When therefore a public institution is
managed from the interest of investments, I dare not call it a sin but I do say
that it is a highly improper procedure. The public should be the bank for all
public institutions, which should not last a day longer than the public wish.
An institution run with the interest of accumulated capital ceases to be
amenable to public opinion and becomes autocratic and self-righteous. This is
not the place to dwell upon the corruption of many a social and religious
institution managed with permanent funds. The phenomenon is so common that he
who runs may read it.

\par But we must return to our narrative. Lawyers and English-educated persons
do not by any means enjoy a monopoly of hair-splitting. I saw that even the
uneducated Indians in South Africa were quite capable of drawing minute
distinctions and making fine arguments. Some argued that the pledge taken in
the Old Empire Theatre had been fulfilled as the old Ordinance was disallowed,
and those who had weakened since then took shelter under this plea. The
argument was not quite devoid of force, yet it could not impress those whose
resistance was not to the law as a law but to the vicious principle underlying
it. All the same it was found necessary to re-administer the oath of resistance
for safety's sake just to reinforce the awakening of the community and to probe
the extent of its-weakness if any. Meetings therefore were held in every place,
where the situation was explained, the oath was administered afresh and the
spirit of the community was found to be as high as ever.

\par Meanwhile the fateful month of July was gradually drawing to an
end, and on the last day of that month we had resolved to call a mass meeting
of the Indians at Pretoria, the capital of the Transvaal. Delegates from other
places besides were also invited to attend. The meeting was held in the open on
the ground of Pretoria mosque. After the inauguration of Satyagraha our
meetings were so largely attended that no building could accommodate them. The
entire Indian population in the Transvaal did not exceed 13,000 souls, of whom
over 10,000 lived in Johannesburg and Pretoria. An attendance at public
meetings of two thousand from an aggregate population of ten thousand would be
considered large and satisfactory in any part of the world. A movement of mass
Satyagraha is impossible on any other condition. Where the struggle is wholly
dependent upon internal strength, it cannot go on at all without mass
discipline. The workers therefore did not consider such large attendance as
anything surprising. From the very first they had decided to hold public
meetings only in the open so that expense was nearly avoided and none had to go
back from the place of meeting disappointed for want of accommodation. All
these meetings, again, were mostly very quiet. The audiences heard everything
attentively. If those who were far away from the platform could not hear a
speaker, they would ask him to speak louder. The reader scarcely needs to be
told that there were no chairs at these meetings. Every one sat on the ground.
There was a very small platform designed to accommodate the chairman, the
speaker and a couple of friends, and a small table and a few chairs or stools
were placed upon it.

\par Mr Yusuf Ismail Mian, acting chairman of the British Indian Association,
presided over this meeting. As the time for issuing permits under the Black Act
was drawing nearer, the Indians were naturally anxious in spite of all their
enthusiasm; but no less anxious than they were General Botha and General Smuts,
all the might of the Transvaal Government at their back notwithstanding. No one
would like to bend a whole community to his will by sheer force. General Botha
therefore had sent Mr William Hosken to this meeting to admonish us. The reader
has already made this gentleman's acquaintance in a previous chapter. The
meeting received him warmly, and he said, ``You know I am your friend. I need
scarcely say that my feelings in this matter are with you. If at all I could, I
would gladly make your opponents accede to your demands. But you hardly need to
be told about the general hostility of the Transvaal Europeans to your
community. I am here at General Botha's instance. He has asked me to be the
bearer of his message to this meeting. He entertains a feeling of respect for
you and understands your sentiments, but he says, ``He is helpless. All the
Europeans in the Transvaal unanimously ask for such law, and he himself is
convinced of the necessity for it. The Indians know fully well how powerful is
the Transvaal Government. The law has again been endorsed by the Imperial
Government. The Indians have done all they could and have acquitted themselves
like men. But now that their opposition has failed, and the law has been
passed, the community must prove their loyalty and love of peace by submitting
to it. General Smuts will carefully look into any representations you make
suggesting minor changes in the regulations framed in virtue of the
Registration Act.'' My own advice to you also is, that you should comply with
the General's message. I know that the Transvaal Government is firm regarding
this law. To resist it will be to dash your head against a wall. I wish that
your community may not be ruined in fruitless opposition or invite needless
suffering on their heads.'' I translated the speech to the meeting word by word,
and further put them on their guard on my own behalf. Mr Hosken retired amidst
cheers.

\par It was now time for the Indian speakers to address the meeting. One of
these speakers was the late Ahmad Muhammad Kachhalia, the hero, not of this
chapter alone, but of the present volume. I knew him only as a client and as an
interpreter. He had never before now taken a leading part in public work. He
had a working knowledge of English, which he had so far improved by practice
that when he took his friends to English lawyers, he acted as interpreter
himself. But interpretership was not a profession with him; he worked as
interpreter only as a friend. He at first used to hawk piecegoods, and then to
trade on a small scale in partnership with his brother. He was a Surti Meman
and enjoyed great reputation in his class. His knowledge of Gujarati was also
limited but in this too he had greatly advanced, being schooled by experience.
He had such sharp intelligence that he very easily grasped anything that was
put to him. He solved legal difficulties with such facility as often astonished
me. He would not hesitate to argue law even with lawyers, and very often his
arguments were worthy of consideration for them.

\par I have never, whether in South Africa or in India, come accross a man who
could surpass Mr Kachhalia in courage and steadfastness. He sacrificed his all
for the community's sake. He was always a man of his word. He was a strict
orthodox Musulman, being one of the trustees of the Surti Meman mosque. But at
the same time he looked upon Hindus and Musulmans with an equal eye. I do not
remember that he ever fanatically or improperly sided with Musulmans as against
Hindus. Perfectly fearless and impartial as he was, he never hesitated to point
out their faults to Hindus as well as Musulmans whenever he found it necessary.
His simplicity and humility were worthy of imitation. My close contact with him
for years leads me to hold firmly to the opinion that a community can rarely
boast of having in their midst a man of the stamp of Mr Kachhalia.

\par Mr Kachhalia was one of the speakers at the meeting. He made a
very short speech. He said, ``Every Indian knows what the Black Act is and what
it implies. I have heard Mr Hosken attentively, and so have you. His speech has
only confirmed me in my resolution. We know how powerful the Transvaal
Government is. But it cannot do anything more than enact such a law. It will
cast us into prison, confiscate our property, deport us or hang us. All this we
will bear cheerfully, but we cannot simply put up with this law.'' I observed
that while saying this, Mr Kachhalia was being deeply moved. His face reddened,
the veins on his neck and on the head were swollen with the blood coursing
rapidly through them, his body was shaking, and moving the fingers of his right
hand upon his throat, he thundered forth: ``I swear in the name of God that I
will be hanged but I will not submit to this law, and I hope that every one
present will do likewise.'' So saying he took his seat. As he moved his fingers
on his throat, some of those seated on the platform smiled, and I remember that
I joined them in their smile. I was rather doubtful whether Kachhalia Sheth
would be able fully to translate his brave words into action. I am ashamed of
this doubt now, and every time I think of it. Kachhalia always remained to the
fore among the many Indians who literally observed their pledge in that great
struggle without a moment's flinching.

\par The meeting cheered him as he spoke. Others then knew him very much better
than I did, as many of them were personally familiar with this obscure hero.
They knew that Kachhalia only says what he means and means what he says. There
were other spirited speeches too. But I have singled out Kachhalia Sheth's for
mention, as it proved to be a prophecy of his subsequent career. Not everyone
of the spirited speakers stood the final test. This great man died in 1918,
four years after the struggle was over, serving the community till the last.

\par I will close this chapter with a reminiscence of Kachhalia Sheth which may
not find a place elsewhere. The reader later on will hear of Tolstoy Farm where
lived a number of Satyagrahi families. The Sheth sent his ten or twelve year
old son Ali to be educated there as an example to others and in order that the
boy might be brought up to a life of simplicity and service. It was due to the
example he thus set that other Musulmans likewise sent their boys to the Farm.
Ali was a modest, bright, truthful and straightforward boy. God took him unto
Himself before his father. If it had been given to him to live, I doubt not he
would have turned out to be the worthy son of an excellent father.

\chapter{A Rift in the Lute}

\par The first of July 1907 arrived, and saw the opening of permit offices. The
community had decided openly to picket each office, that is to say, to post
volunteers on the roads leading thereto, and these volunteers were to warn
weak-kneed Indians against the trap laid for them there. Volunteers were
provided with badges and expressly instructed not to be impolite to any Indian
taking out a permit. They must ask him his name, but if he refused to give it
they must not on any account be violent or rude to him. To every Indian going
to the permit office, they were to hand a printed paper detailing the injuries
which submission to the Black Act would involve, and explain what was written
in it. They must behave to the police too with due respect. If the police
abused or thrashed them, they must suffer peacefully; if the ill-treatment by
the police was insufferable they should leave the place. If the police arrested
them, they should gladly surrender themselves. If some such incident occurred
in Johannesburg, it should be brought to my notice. At other places the local
secretaries were to be informed, and asked for further instructions. Each party
of pickets had a captain whose orders must be obeyed by the rest.

\par This was the community's first experience of that kind. All who
were above the age of twelve were taken as pickets, so that there were many
young men from 12 to 18 years of age enrolled as such. But not one was taken
who was unknown to the local workers. Over and above all these precautions,
people were informed by announcements at every public meeting and otherwise,
that if any one desirous of taking out a permit was afraid of the pickets, he
could ask the workers to detail a volunteer to escort him to the permit office
and back. Some did avail themselves of this offer.

\par The volunteers in every place worked with boundless enthusiasm,
and were ever alert and wide awake in the performance of their duties.
Generally speaking there was not much molestation by the police. When sometimes
there was such molestation, the volunteers quietly put up with it. They brought
to bear upon their work quite an amount of humour, in which the police too
sometimes joined. They devised various diversions in order to beguile their
time. They were once arrested on a charge of obstructing the public traffic. As
non-cooperation did not form a part of the Satyagraha struggle there, defence
could be made in courts, though as a rule advocates for defence were not paid
from public funds. The volunteers were declared innocent and acquitted by the
court, which still further exalted their spirit.

\par Although the Indians who wanted to take out permits were thus
saved from rudeness or violence from the volunteers in public; I must admit;
that there arose a body of men in connection with. the movement, who without
becoming volunteers privately threatened those who would take out permits with
violence or injury in other ways. This was a most painful development, and
strong measures were adopted in order to stamp it out as soon as it was found
out. The holding out of threats nearly ceased in consequence, though it was not
quite rooted out. The threats left an impression behind them, and as I could
see, thus far injured the cause. Those who were threatened instantly sought
Government protection and got it. Poison was thus instilled into the community,
and those who were weak already grew weaker still. The poison thus grew more
virulent, as the weak are always apt to be revengeful.

\par These threats created but little impression; but the force of
public opinion on the one hand, and on the other, the fear of one's name being
known to the community through the presence of volunteers acted as powerful
deterrents. I do not know a single Indian who held it proper to submit to the
Black Act. Those who submitted did so out of an inability to suffer hardships
or pecuniary losses, and were therefore ashamed of themselves. This sense of
shame, as well as a fear of loss in trade following upon the displeasure of big
Indian, merchants, pressed heavily upon them, and some leading Indians found a
way out of thus twofold difficulty. They arranged with the permit office, that
an officer should meet them in a private house after nine or ten o'clock at
night and give them permits. They thought that in this case no one would know
about their submission to the law for some time at least and that as they were
leaders, others would follow suit, thus lightening their burden of shame. It
did not matter if they were found out afterwards.

\par But the volunteers were so vigilant, that the community was kept informed
of what happened every moment. There would be some even in the permit office
who might give such information to the Satyagrahis. Others again, though weak
themselves, would be unable to tolerate the idea of leaders thus disgracing
themselves, and would inform the Satyagrahis from an idea that they too could
face the music if others were firm. In this way the community once received
information that certain men were going to take out permits in a certain shop
on a certain night. The community therefore first tried to dissuade these men.
The shop too was picketed. But human weakness cannot be long suppressed. Some
leading men took permits in this way at ten or eleven o'clock at night, and
there was a rift in the lute. The very next day their names were published by
the community. But a sense of shame has its limits. Considerations of
self-interest drive shame away and mislead men out of the strait and narrow
path. By and by something like five hundred men took out permits. For some time
permits were issued in private houses, but as the sense of shame wore out, some
went publicly to the Asiatic office and obtained certificates of registration.

\chapter{The First Satyagrahi Prisoner}

\par When the Asiatic Department found, that notwithstanding all their
exertions, they could not get more than 500 Indians to register, they decided
to arrest some one. In Germiston there lived many Indians, one of whom was
Pandit Rama Sundara. This man had a brave look and was endowed with some gift
of the gab. He knew a few Sanskrit verses by heart. Hailing from North India as
he did, he naturally knew a few dohas and chopais from the Tulasi Ramayana, and
owing to his designation Pandit, he also enjoyed some reputation among the
people. He delivered a number of spirited speeches in various places. Some
malevolent Indians in Germiston suggested to the Asiatic Department that many
Indians there would take out permits if Rama Sundara was arrested, and the
officers concerned could scarcely resist the temptation thus offered. So Rama
Sundara was put under arrest, and this being the first case of its kind, the
Government as well as the Indians were much agitated over it. Rama Sundara, who
was till yesterday known only to the good people of Germiston, became in one
moment famous all over South Africa. He became the cynosure of all eyes as if
he were a great man put upon his trial. Government need not have taken, but it
did take, special measures for the preservation of peace. In the Court too Rama
Sundara was accorded due respect as no ordinary prisoner but a representative
of his community. Eager Indian spectators filled the Court-room. Rama Sundara
was sentenced to a month's simple imprisonment, and kept in a separate cell in
the European ward in Johannesburg gaol. People were allowed to meet him freely.
He was permitted to receive food from outside, and was entertained every day
with delicacies prepared on behalf of the community. He was provided with
everything he wanted. The day on which he was sentenced was celebrated with
great eclat. There was no trace of depression, but on the other hand there was
exultation and rejoicing . Hundreds were ready to go jail. The officers of the
Asiatic Department were disappointed in their hope of a bumper crop of
registrants. They did not get a single registrant even from Germiston. The only
gainer was the Indian community. The month was soon over. Rama Sundara was
released and was taken in a procession to the place where a meeting had been
arranged. Vigorous speeches were made. Rama Sundara was smothered with garlands
of flowers. The volunteers held a feast in his honour, and hundreds of Indians
envied Rama Sundara's luck and were sorry that they had not the chance of
suffering imprisonment.

\par But Rama Sundara turned out to be a false coin. There was no escape from
the month's imprisonment, as his arrest came as a surprise. In jail he had
enjoyed luxuries to which he had been a stranger outside. Still accustomed as
he was to licence, and addicted as he was to bad habits, the loneliness and the
restraints of jail life were too much for him. In spite of all the attention
showered upon him by the jail authorities as well as by the community, jail
appeared irksome to him and he bid a final good-bye to the Transvaal and to the
movement. There are cunning men in every community and in every movement and so
there were in ours. These knew Rama Sundara through and through, but from an
idea that even he might become an instrument of the community's providence,
they never let me know his secret history until his bubble had finally burst. I
subsequently found that he was an indentured labourer who had deserted before
completing his term. There was nothing discreditable in his having been an
indentured labourer. The reader will see towards the end how indentured
labourers proved to be a most valuable acquisition to the movement, and what a
large contribution they made towards winning the final victory. It was
certainly wrong for him not to have finished his period of indenture.

\par I have thus detailed the whole history of Rama Sundara not in
order to expose his faults, but to point a moral. The leaders of every clean
movement are bound to see that they admit only clean fighters to it. But all
their caution notwithstanding, undesirable elements cannot be kept out. And yet
if the leaders are fearless and true, the entry of undesirable persons into the
movement without their knowing them to be so does not ultimately harm the
cause. When Rama Sundara was found out, he became a man of straw. The community
forgot him, but the movement gathered fresh strength even through him.
Imprisonment suffered by him for the cause stood to our credit, the enthusiasm
created by his trial came to stay, and profiting by his example, weaklings
slipped away out of the movement of their own accord. There were some more
cases of such weakness besides this but I do not propose to deal with them in
any detail, as it would not serve any useful purpose. In order that the reader
may appreciate the strength and the weakness of the community at their real
worth, it will be enough to say that there was not one Rama Sundara but several
and yet I observed that the movement reaped pure advantage from all of them.

\par Let not the reader point the finger of scorn at Rama Sundara. All men are
imperfect, and when imperfection is observed in some one in a larger measure
than in others, people are apt to blame him. But that is not fair. Rama Sundara
did not become weak intentionally. Man can change his temperament, can control
it, but cannot eradicate it. God has not given him so much liberty. If the
leopard can change his spots then only can man modify the peculiarities of his
spiritual constitution. Although Rama Sundara fled away, who can tell how he
might have repented of his weakness? Or rather was not his very flight a
powerful proof of his repentance? There was no need for him to flee if he was
shameless. He could have taken out a permit and steered clear of jail by
submission to the Black Act. Further, if at all so minded, he could have
become a tool of the Asiatic Department, misguided his friends and become
persona grata with the Government. Why should we not judge him charitably and
say that instead of doing anything of the kind, he being ashamed of his
weakness hid his face from the community and even did it a service?

\chapter{``Indian Opinion''}

\par I propose to acquaint the reader with all the weapons, internal as well as
external, employed in the Satyagraha struggle and now therefore proceed to
introduce to him Indian Opinion, a weekly journal which is published in South
Africa to this very day. The credit for starting the first Indian-owned
printing press in South Africa is due to a Gujarati gentleman, Shri Madanjit
Vyavaharik. After he had conducted the press for a few years in the midst of
difficulties, he thought of bringing out a newspaper too. He consulted the late
Shri Mansukhlal Nazar and myself. The paper was issued from Durban. Shri
Mansukhlal Nazar volunteered to act as unpaid editor. From the very first the
paper was conducted at a loss. At last we decided to purchase a farm, to settle
all the workers, who must constitute themselves into a sort of commonwealth,
upon it and publish the paper from the farm. The farm selected for the purpose
is situated on a beautiful hill thirteen miles from Durban. The nearest railway
station is at a distance of three miles from the farm and is called Phoenix.
The paper was and is called Indian Opinion. It was formerly published in
English, Gujarati, Hindi and Tamil. But the Hindi and Tamil sections were
eventually, as the burden they imposed upon us seemed to be excessive, we could
not find Tamil and Hindi writers willing to settle upon the farm and could not
exercise a check upon them. The paper was thus being published in English and
Gujarati when the Satyagraha struggle commenced. Among the settlers on the farm
were Gujaratis, North Indians and Tamils as well as Englishmen. After the
premature death of Mansukhlal Nazar, his place as editor was taken by an
English friend, Herbert Kitchin. Then the post of editor was long filled by Mr
Henry S. L. Polak and during our incarceration the late Rev. Joseph Doke also
acted as editor. Through the medium of this paper we could very well
disseminate the news of the week among the community. The English section kept
those Indians informed about the movement who did not know Gujarati, and for
Englishmen in India, England. and South Africa, Indian Opinion served the
purpose of a weekly newsletter. I believe that a struggle which chiefly relies
upon internal strength can be carried on without a newspaper, but it is also my
experience that we could not perhaps have educated the local Indian community,
nor kept Indians all over the world in touch with the course of events in South
Africa in any other way, with the same ease and success as through Indian
Opinion, which therefore was certainly a most useful and potent weapon in our
struggle.

\par As the community was transformed in course of and as a result of the
struggle, so was Indian Opinion. In the beginning we used to accept
advertisements for it, and also execute job work in the printing press. I
observed that some of our best men had to be spared for this kind of work. If
we did receive advertisements for publication, there was constant difficulty in
deciding which to accept and which to refuse. Again one would be inclined to
refuse an objectionable advertisement, and yet be constrained to accept it, say
because the advertiser was a leading member of the community and might take it
ill if his advertisement was rejected. Some of the good workers had to be set
apart for canvassing and realizing outstandings from advertisers, not to speak
of the flattery which advertisers claimed as their due. Moreover, the view
commended itself, that if the paper was conducted not because it yielded profit
but purely with a view to service, the service should not be imposed upon the
community by force but should be rendered only if the community wished. And the
clearest proof of such wish would be forthcoming if they became subscribers in
sufficiently large numbers to make the paper self-supporting. Finally it seemed
that it was in every way better for all concerned that we should approach the
generality of the community and explain to them the duty of keeping their
newspaper going rather than set about to induce a few traders to place their
advertisements with us in the name of service. On all these grounds we stopped
advertisements in the paper with the gratifying result that those who were at
first engrossed in the advertisement department could now devote their labours
to improving the paper. The community realized at once their proprietorship of
Indian Opinion and their consequent responsibility for maintaining it. The
workers were relieved of all anxiety in that respect. Their only care now was
to put their best work into the paper so long as the community wanted it, and
they were not only not ashamed of requesting any Indian to subscribe to Indian
Opinion, but thought it even their duty to do so. A change came over the
internal strength and the character of the paper, and it became a force to
reckon with. The number of subscribers which generally ranged between twelve
and fifteen hundred increased day by day. The rates of subscription had to be
raised and yet when the struggle was at its height, there were as many as 3,500
subscribers. The number of Indians who could read Indian Opinion in South
Africa was at the outside 20,000, and therefore a circulation of over three
thousand copies may be held to be quite satisfactory. The community had made
the paper their own to such an extent, that if copies did not reach
Johannesburg at the expected time, I would be flooded with complaints about it.
The paper generally reached Johannesburg on Sunday morning. I know of many,
whose first occupation after they received the paper would be to read the
Gujarati section through from beginning to end. One of the company would read
it, and the rest would surround him and listen. Not all who wanted to read the
paper could afford to subscribe to it by themselves and some of them would
therefore club together for the purpose.

\par Just as we stopped advertisements in the paper, we ceased to take job work
in the press, and for nearly the same reasons. Compositors had now some time to
spare, which was utilised in the publication of books. As here too there was no
intention of reaping profits and as the books were printed only to help the
struggle forward, they commanded good sales. Thus both the paper and the press
made their contribution to the struggle, and as Satyagraha gradually took root
in the community, there was clearly visible a corresponding moral amelioration
of the paper as well as of the press from the standpoint of Satyagraha.

\chapter{A Series of Arrests}

\par We have seen how the Government failed to reap any advantage from Rama
Sundara's arrest. On the other hand they observed the spirit of the Indian
community rising rapidly. The officers of the Asiatic Department were diligent
readers of Indian Opinion. Secrecy had been deliberately ruled out of the
movement. Indian Opinion was an open book to whoever wanted to gauge the
strength and the weakness of the community, be he a friend, an enemy or a
neutral. The workers had realized at the very outset that secrecy had no place
in a movement, where one could do no wrong, where there was no scope for
duplicity or cunning, and where strength constituted the single guarantee of
victory. The very interest of the community demanded, that if the disease of
weakness was to be eradicated, it must be first properly diagnosed and given
due publicity. When the officers saw that this was the policy of Indian
Opinion, the paper became for them a faithful mirror of the current history of
the Indian community. They thus came to think the strength of the movement
could not by any means be broken so long as certain leaders were at large. Some
of the leading men were consequently served with a notice in Christmas week of
1907 to appear before the Magistrate. It must be admitted that this was an act
of courtesy on the part of the officers concerned. They could have arrested the
leaders by a warrant if they had chosen to do so. Instead of this they issued
notices and this, besides being evidence of their courtesy, also betrayed their
confidence that the leaders were willing and prepared to be arrested. Those who
had thus been warned appeared before the Court on the date specified, Saturday
December 28, 1907, to show cause why, having failed to apply for registration
as required by law, they should not be ordered to leave the Transvaal within a
given period.

\par One of these was one Mr Quinn, the leader of the Chinese residents of
Johannesburg, who numbered three to four hundred, and were either traders or
farmers. India is noted for its agriculture, but I believe that we in India are
not as far advanced in agriculture as the Chinese are. The modern progress of
agriculture in America and other countries defies description, but I consider
it to be still in an experimental stage. China, on the other hand, is an old
country like India and a comparison between India and China would be therefore
fairly instructive. I observed the agricultural methods of the Chinese in
Johannesburg and also talked with them on the subject, and this gave me the
impression that the Chinese are more intelligent as well as diligent than we
are. We often allow land to lie fallow thinking it is of no use, while the
Chinese would grow good crops upon it, thanks to their minute knowledge of
varying soils.

\par The Black Act applied to the Chinese as well as to the Indians
whom they therefore joined in the Satyagraha struggle. Still from first to last
the activities of the two communities were not allowed to be mixed up. Each
worked through its own independent organisation. This arrangement produced the
beneficent result that so long as both the communities stood to their guns,
each would be a source of strength to the other. But if one of the two gave
way, that would leave the morale of the other unaffected or at least the other
would steer clear of the danger of a total collapse. Many of the Chinese
eventually fell away as their leader played them false. He did not indeed
submit to the obnoxious law, but one morning some one came and told me that the
Chinese leader had fled away without handing over charge of the books and
moneys of the Chinese Association in his possession. It is always difficult for
followers to sustain a conflict in the absence of their leader, and the shock
is all the greater when the leader has disgraced himself. But when the arrests
commenced, the Chinese were in high spirits. Hardly any of them had taken out
a permit, and therefore their leader Mr Quinn was warned to appear along with
the Indians. For some time at any rate Mr Quinn put in very useful work.

\par I would like to introduce to the reader one out of the several
leading Indians who constituted the first batch of prisoners, Shri Thambi
Naidoo. Thambi Naidoo was a Tamilian born in Mauritius where his parents had
migrated from Madras State. He was an ordinary trader. He had practically
received no scholastic education whatever. But a wide experience had been his
schoolmaster. He spoke and wrote English very well, although his grammar was
not perhaps free from faults. In the same way he had acquired a knowledge of
Tamil. He understood and spoke Hindustani fairly well and he had some knowledge
of Telugu too, though he did not know the alphabets of these languages. Again,
he had a very good knowledge of the Creole dialect current in Mauritius which
is a sort of corrupt French, and he knew of course the language of the Negroes.
A working knowledge of so many languages was not a rare accomplishment among
the Indians of South Africa, hundreds of whom could claim a general
acquaintance with all these languages. These men become such good linguists
almost without effort. And that is because their brains are not fatigued by
education received through the medium of a foreign tongue, their memory is
sharp, and they acquire these different languages simply by talking with people
who speak them and by observation. This does not involve any considerable
strain on their brains but on the other hand the easy mental exercise leads to
a natural development of their intellect. Such was the case with Thambi Naidoo.
He had a very keen intelligence and could grasp new subjects very quickly. His
ever-ready wit was astonishing. He had never seen India. Yet his love for the
homeland knew no bounds. Patriotism ran through his very veins. His firmness
was pictured on his face. He was very strongly built and he possessed tireless
energy. He shone equally whether he had to take the chair at meetings and lead
them, or whether he had to do porter's work. He would not be ashamed of
carrying a load on the public roads Night and day were the same to him when he
se to work. And none was more ready than he to sacrifice his all for the sake
of the community. If Thambi Naidoo had not been rash and if he had been free
from anger, this brave man could easily have assumed the leadership of the
community in the Transvaal in the absence of Kachhalia. His irritability had
not still worked for evil while the Transvaal struggle lasted, and his
invaluable qualities had shone forth like jewels. But, later on, I heard that
his anger and his rashness had proved to be his worst enemies, and eclipsed his
good qualities. However that may be, the name of Thambi Naidoo must ever remain
as one of the front rank in the history of Satyagraha in South Africa.

\par The Magistrate conducted each case separately, and ordered all
the accused to leave the Transvaal within forty-eight hours in some
cases and seven or fourteen days in others.

\par The time limit expired on January 10, 1908 and the same day we
were called upon to attend court for sentence.

\par None of us had to offer any defence. All were to plead guilty to
the charge of disobeying the order to leave the Transvaal within the stated
period, issued by the Magistrate on failure to satisfy him that they were
lawful holders of certificates of registration.

\par I asked leave to make a short statement, and on its being granted, I said I
thought there should be a distinction made between my case and those that were
to follow. I had just heard from Pretoria that my compatriots there had been
sentenced to three months' imprisonment with hard labour, and had been fined a
heavy amount, in lieu of payment of which they would receive a further period
of three months' hard labour. If these men had committed an offence, I had
committed a greater offence and I therefore asked the Magistrate to impose upon
me the heaviest penalty. The Magistrate, however, did not agree to my request
and sentenced me to two months' simple imprisonment. I had some slight feeling
of awkwardness due to the fact that I was standing as an accused in the very
Court where I had often appeared as counsel. But I well remember that I
considered the former role as far more honourable than the latter, and did not
feel the slightest hesitation in entering the prisoner's box.

\par In the court there were hundreds of Indians as well as brother
members of the Bar in front of me. On the sentence being pronounced I was at
once removed in custody and was then quite alone. The policeman asked me to sit
on a bench kept there for prisoners, shut the door on me and went away. I was
somewhat agitated and fell into deep thought. Home, the Courts where I
practised, the public meeting,?all these passed away like a dream, and I was
now a prisoner. What would happen in two months? Would I have to serve the full
term? If the people courted imprisonment in large numbers, as they had
promised, there would be no question of serving the full sentence. But if they
failed to fill the prisons, two months would be as tedious as an age. These
thoughts passed through my mind in less than one hundredth of the time that it
has taken me to dictate them. And they filled me with shame. How vain I was! I,
who had asked the people to consider the prisons as His Majesty's hotels, the
suffering consequent upon disobeying the Black Act as perfect bliss, and the
sacrifice of one's all and of life itself in resisting it as supreme enjoyment!
Where had all this knowledge vanished today? This second train of thought acted
upon me as a bracing tonic, and I began to laugh at my own folly. I began to
think what kind of imprisonment would be awarded to the others and whether they
would be kept with me in the prison. But I was disturbed by the police officer
who opened the gate and asked me to follow him, which I did. He then made me go
before him, following me himself, took me to the prisoners' closed van and
asked me to take my seat in it. I was driven to Johannesburg jail.

\par In jail I was asked to put off my own private clothing. I knew that
convicts were made naked in jail. We had all decided as Satyagrahis voluntarily
to obey all jail regulations so long as they were not inconsistent with our
self-respect or with our religious convictions. The clothes which were given to
me to wear were very dirty. I did not like putting them on at all. It was not
without pain that I reconciled myself to them from an idea that I must put up
with some dirt. After the officers had recorded my name and address, I was
taken to a large cell, and in a short time was joined by my compatriots who
came laughing and told me how they had received the same sentence as myself,
and what took place after I had been removed. I understood from them that when
my case was over, the Indians, some of whom were excited, took out a procession
with black flags in their hands. The police disturbed the procession and
flogged some of its members. We were all happy at the thought that we were kept
in the same jail and in the same cell.

\par The cell door was locked at 6 o'clock. The door was not made of
bars but was quite solid, there being high up in the wall a small aperture for
ventilation, so that we felt as if we had been locked up in a safe.

\par No wonder the jail authorities did not accord us the good treatment which
they had meted out to Rama Sundara. As Rama Sundara was the first Satyagrahi
prisoner, the authorities had no idea how he should be treated. Our batch was
fairly large and further arrests were in contemplation. We were therefore kept
in the Negro ward. In Soth Africa only two classes of convicts are recognized,
namely Whites and Blacks, i.e. the Negroes, and the Indians were classed with
Negroes.

\par The next morning we found that prisoners without hard labour had the right
to keep on their own private clothing, and if they would not exercise this
right, they were given special jail clothing assigned to that class of
prisoners. We decided that it was not right to put on our own clothing and that
it was appropriate to take the jail uniform, and we informed the authorities
accordingly. We were therefore given the clothes assigned to Negro convicts not
punished with hard labour. But Negro prisoners sentenced to simple imprisonment
are never numerous, and hence there was a shortage of simple imprisonment
prisoners' clothing as soon as other Indians sentenced to simple imprisonment
began to arrive. As the Indians did not wish to stand upon ceremony in this
matter, they readily accepted clothing assigned to hard labour prisoners. Some
of those who came in later preferred to keep on their own clothing rather than
put on the uniform of the hard labour convicts. I thought this improper, but
did not care to insist upon their following the correct procedure in the
matter.

\par From the second or third day Satyagrahi prisoners began to arrive in large
numbers. They had all courted arrest and were most of them hawkers. In South
Africa every hawker, Black or White, has to take out a licence, always to carry
it with him and show it to the police when asked to do so. Nearly every day
some policeman would ask to see the licences and arrest those who had none to
show. The community had resolved to fill up the jail after our arrests. In this
the hawkers took the lead. It was easy for them to be arrested. They only had
to refuse to show their licences and that was enough to ensure their arrest. In
this way the number of Satyagrahi prisoners swelled to more than a hundred in
one week. And as a few were sure to arrive every day, we received the daily
budget of news without a newspaper. When Satyagrahis began to be arrested in
large numbers, they were sentenced to imprisonment with hard labour, either
because the magistrates lost patience, or because, as we thought, they received
some such instructions from the Government. Even today, I think we were right
in our conjecture, as, if we leave out the first few cases in which simple
imprisonment was awarded, never afterwards throughout the long drawn out
struggle was there pronounced a sentence of simple imprisonment, even ladies
having been punished with hard labour. If all the magistrates had not received
the same orders or instructions and if yet by mere coincidence they sentenced
all men and women at all times to hard labour, that must be held to be almost a
miracle.

\par In Johannesburg jail prisoners not condemned to hard labour got
``mealie pap'' in the morning. There was no salt in it, but each prisoner was
given some salt separately. At noon the prisoners were given four ounces of
rice, four ounces of bread, one ounce of ghi and a little salt, and in the
evening ``mealie pap'' and some vegetable, chiefly potatoes of which two were
given if they were small and only one if they were big in size. None of us were
satisfied with this diet. The rice was cooked soft. We asked the prison medical
officer for some condiments, and told him that condiments were allowed in the
jails in India. ``This is not India'', was the stern answer. ``There is no
question of taste about prison diet and condiments therefore can not be
allowed.'' We asked for pulse on the ground that the regulation diet was lacking
in muscle-building properties. ``Prisoners must not indulge in arguments on
medical grounds,'' replied the doctor. ``You do get muscle-building food, as
twice a week you are served boiled beans instead of maize.'' The doctor's
argument was sound if the human stomach was capable of extracting the various
elements out of various foods taken at various times in a week or fortnight. As
a matter of fact he had no intention whatever of looking to our convenience.
The Superintendent permitted us to cook our food ourselves. We elected Thambi
Naidoo as our chef; and as such he had to fight many a battle on our behalf.
If the vegetable ration issued was short in weight, he would insist on getting
full weight. On vegetable days which were two in a week we cooked twice and on
other days only once, as we were allowed to cook other things for ourselves
only for the noon-day meal. We were somewhat better off after we began to cook
our own food.

\par But whether or not we succeeded in obtaining these conveniences,
every one of us was firm in his resolution of passing his term in jail in
perfect happiness and peace. The number of Satyagrahi prisoners gradually rose
to over 150. As we were all simple imprisonment convicts, we had no work to do
except keeping the cells etc. clean. We asked the Superintendent for work, and
he replied: ``I am sorry I cannot give you work, as, if I did, I should be held
to have committed an offence. But you can devote as much time as you please to
keeping the place clean.'' We asked for some such exercise as drill, as we had
observed even the Negro prisoners with hard labour being drilled in addition to
their usual work. The Superintendent replied, ``If your warder has time and if
he gives you drill, I will not object to it; nor will I require him to do it,
as he is hard worked as it is, and your arrival in unexpectedly large numbers
has made his work harder still.'' The warder was a good man and this qualified
permission was quite enough for him. He began to drill us every morning with
great interest. This drill must be performed in the small yard before our cells
and was therefore in the nature of a merry-go-round. When the warder finished
the drill and went away, it was continued by a Pathan compatriot of ours named
Nawabkhan, who made us all laugh with his quaint pronunciation of English words
of command. He rendered ``Stand at ease'' as ``sundlies.'' We could not for the
life of us understand what Hindustani word it was, but afterwards it dawned
upon us that it was no Hindustani but only Nawabkhani English.

\chapter{The First Settlement}

\par We had thus been in jail for a fortnight, when fresh arrivals
brought the news that there were going on some negotiations about a compromise
with the Government. After two or three days Mr Albert Cartwright, editor of
The Transvaal Leader, a Johannesburg daily, came to see me.

\par All the daily papers then conducted in Johannesburg were the
property of one or the other of the European owners of the gold mines, but
except in cases where the interests of these magnates were at stake, the
editors were unfettered in the expression of their own views on all public
questions. Only very able and well-known men were selected as editors. For
instance the editor of The Daily Star had formerly been Private Secretary to
Lord Milner, and later went to England to take Mr Buckle's place as editor of
The Times. Mr Albert Cartwright of The Transvaal Leader was as broad-minded as
he was able. He had almost always supported the Indian cause in his columns. He
and I had become good friends. He saw General Smuts after I was sent to jail.
General Smuts welcomed his mediation. Mr Cartwright thereupon met the Indian
leaders, who said, ``We know nothing about legal technicalities, and cannot
possibly talk about compromise so long as Gandhi is in prison. We desire
settlement, but if Government wants it while our men are jail, you should see
Gandhi. We will ratify any arrangement which he accepts.''

\par Mr Cartwright thus came to see me and brought with him terms of
settlement drafted or approved of by General Smuts. I did not like the vague
language of the document, but was all the same prepared myself to put my
signature to it with one alteration. However, I informed Mr Cartwright, that I
could not sign it without consulting my fellow-prisoners, even if I took the
consent of the Indians outside prison for granted.

\par The substance of the proposed settlement was that the Indians
should register voluntarily, and not under any law; that the details to be
entered in the new certificate of registration should be settled by Government
in consultation with the Indian community, and, that if majority of the Indians
underwent voluntary registration, Government should repeal the Black Act, and
take steps with a view to legalize the voluntary registration. The draft did
not make quite clear the condition which required Government to repeal the
Black Act. I therefore suggested a change calculated to place this beyond all
doubt from my own standpoint.

\par Mr Cartwright did not like even this little addition and said,
``General Smuts considers this draft to be final. I have approved of it myself,
and I can assure you that if you all undergo re-registration, the Black Act is
bound to be repealed.''

\par I replied, ``Whether or not there is a settlement, we shall
always be grateful to you for your kindness and help. I should not like to
suggest a single unnecessary alteration in the draft. I do not object to such
language as would uphold the prestige of Government. But where I myself am
doubtful about the meaning, I must certainly suggest a change of language, and
if there is to be a settlement after all, both the parties must have the right
to alter the draft. General Smuts need not confront us with an ultimatum,
saying that these terms are final. He has already aimed one pistol in the shape
of the Black Act at the Indians. What can he hope to gain by aiming a second?''

\par Mr Cartwright had nothing to say against this argument, and he
promised to place my suggestion for the change before General Smuts.

\par I consulted my fellow-prisoners. They too did not like the
language, but agreed to the settlement if General Smuts would accept the draft
with my amendment. New-comers to jail had brought a message from the leaders
outside, that I should accept any suitable compromise without waiting for their
consent. I got Messers Leuing Quinn and Thambi Naidoo to sign the draft along
with myself and handed it to Mr Cartwright.

\par The second or third day, on January 30, 1908, Mr Vernon, the Superintendent
of Police, Johannesburg, took me to Pretoria to meet General Smuts, with whom I
had a good deal of talk. He told me what had passed between him and Mr
Cartwright. He congratulated me on the Indian community having remained firm
even after my imprisonment, and said, ``I could never entertain a dislike for
your people. You know I too am a barrister. I had some Indian fellow students
in my time. But I must do my duty. The Europeans want this law, and you will
agree with me, that these are mostly not Boers, but Englishmen. I accept the
alteration you have suggested in the draft. I have consulted General Botha
also, and I assure you that I will repeal the Asiatic Act as soon as most of
you have undergone voluntary registration. When the bill legalizing such
registration is drafted, I will send you a copy for your criticism. I do not
wish there should be any recurrence of the trouble, and I wish to respect the
feelings of your people.''

\par So saying General Smuts rose. I asked him, ``Where am I to go?
And what about the other prisoners?''

\par The General laughed and said, ``You are free this very moment. I am phoning
to the prison officials to release the other prisoners tomorrow morning. But I
must advise you not to go in for many meetings or demonstrations, as in that
case Government will find itself in an awkward position.''

\par I replied, ``You may rest assured, that there will not be a
single meeting simply for the sake of it. But I will certainly have to hold
meetings in order to explain to the community how the settlement was effected,
what is its nature and scope, and how it has added to our responsibilities.''

\par ``Of such meetings,'' said General Smuts, you may have as many as you please.
It is sufficient that you have understood what I desire in the matter.''

\par It was then seven o'clock in the evening. I had not a single farthing in my
pocket. The secretary of General Smuts gave me the railway fare to
Johannesburg. There was no need to stop at Pretoria and announce the settlement
to the Indians there. The leaders were all in Johannesburg, which was our
headquarters. There was now only one more train for Johannesburg, and I was
able to catch it.

\chapter{Opposition and Assault}

\par I reached Johannesburg at about 9 p.m. and went direct to the Chairman,
Sheth Yusuf Mian. He knew that I had been taken to Pretoria, and was hence
rather expecting me. Still it was a pleasant surprise for him and others to
find me unaccompanied by a warder. I suggested that a meeting should be called
at once with such attendance as was possible at a very short notice. The
Chairman and other friends agreed with me. As most of the Indians lived in the
same quarter, it was not difficult to send round notice of the proposed
meeting. The Chairman's house was near the mosque, and meetings were usually
held on the grounds of the mosque. There was hence not much to be done by way
of arrangement for the meeting. It was enough to have one light on the
platform. The meeting was held that very night at about 11 or 12 p.m. The
audience numbered nearly a thousand, in spite of the shortness of the notice
and the late hour.

\par Before the meeting was held, I had explained the terms of the
settlement to the leaders present. A few opposed the settlement. But all of
them understood the situation after they had heard me. Every one of them,
however, was troubled by one doubt, ``What if General Smuts broke faith with us?
The Black Act might not be enforced but it would always hang over our heads
like Damocles' sword. If in the meanwhile we registered voluntarily, we would
have knowingly played in the adversary's hands, and surrendered the most
powerful weapon in our possession for resisting the Act. The right order for
the settlement was, that the Act should be repealed first and then we should be
called upon to register voluntarily.''

\par I liked this argument. I felt proud of the keen commonsense and high
courage of those who advanced it, and saw that such was the stuff of which
Satyagrahis were made. In answer to that argument I observed: ``It is an
excellent argument and deserves serious consideration. There would be nothing
like it, if we registered voluntarily only after the Act was repealed. But then
it would not be in the nature of a compromise. Compromise means that both the
parties make large concessions on all points except where a principle is
involved. Our principle is, that we would not submit to the Black Act, and
therefore, would not, in virtue of it, do even such things as were otherwise
unobjectionable; and to this principle we must adhere at all costs. The
principle with the Government is, that in order to prevent the illegal entry of
Indians into the Transvaal, it must get many Indians to take out non
transferable permits with marks of identification and thus set the suspicions
of the Europeans at rest and allay all their fears; and the Government can
never give it up on their part. We have admitted this principle of the
Government by our conduct up to date, and therefore even if we feel like
resisting it we may not do so until we find fresh grounds for such a departure.
Our struggle aimed not at the abrogation of this principle but at removing the
stigma which the Black Act sought to attach to the community. If, therefore, we
now utilize the new and powerful force which has sprung up in the community for
gaining a fresh point, it would ill become us, who claim to be Satyagrahis.
Consequently, we cannot justly object to the present settlement. As for the
argument that we must not surrender our weapons before the Act is repealed, it
is easily answered. A Satyagrahi bids good-bye to fear. He is therefore never
afraid of trusting the opponent. Even if the opponent plays him false twentv
times, the Satyagrahi is ready to trust him for the twenty-first time, for an
implicit trust in human nature is the very essence of his creed. Again to say
that in trusting the Government we play into their hands is to betray an
ignorance of the principles of Satyagraha. Suppose we register voluntarily, but
the Government commits a breach of faith and fails to redeem its promise to
repeal the Act. Could we not then resort to Satyagraha? If we refused to show
at the proper time the certificates of registration we take out, our
registration would count for nothing, and Government could not distinguish
between ourselves and the Indians who might enter the Transvaal
surreptitiously. Therefore, whether there is or there is not any law in force,
the Government cannot exercise control over us without our cooperation. The
existence of a law means, that if we refuse to accept the restriction sought to
be imposed through it by the Government, we are liable to punishment, and
generally it so happens, that the fear of punishment leads men to submit to the
restriction. But a Satyagrahi differs from the generality of men in this, that
if he submits to a restriction, he submits voluntarily, not because he is
afraid of punishment, but because he thinks that such submission is essential
to the common weal. And such is precisely our position regarding registration,
which cannot be affected by any breach of faith, however flagrant, on the part
of the Government. We are the creators of this position of ours, and we alone
can change it. We are fearless and free, so long as we have the weapon of
Satyagraha in our hands. And if any thinks that the community may not be as
strong afterwards as it is today, I should say that he is not a Satyagrahi nor
has he any understanding of Satyagraha. That would mean that the present
strength of the community is not real strength but is in the nature of a
momentary effervescence or intoxication, and if that is so, we do not deserve
to win, and the fruits of victory will slip out of our hands even if we win.
Suppose the Government first abrogates the Act and we then register
voluntarily. Suppose further that the Government afterwards enacts the same
obnoxious law and compels the Indians to register. What can then prevent the
Government from pursuing such a course of action? And if we are doubtful about
our strength today, then too shall we be in an equally bad case. From whatever
standpoint, therefore, we examine the settlement, it may be said that the
community not only will not lose but will on the other hand gain by the
compromise. And I am also of opinion, that when our opponents recognize our
humility and sense of justice, they would give up or at least mitigate their
opposition.''

\par I was thus able fully to satisfy the one or two of the small
company who struck a discordant note, but I did not then even dream of the
storm which was to break out at the midnight meeting. I explained all the terms
of the settlement to the meeting and said:

\par ``The responsibility of the community is largely enhanced by this
settlement. We must register voluntarily in order to show that we do not intend
to bring a single Indian into the Transvaal surreptitiously or by fraud. If any
one of us fails to register, he will not be punished at present; but that can
only mean that the community does not accept the settlement. It is necessary,
indeed, that you must here raise your hands as a mark of your agreeing to the
settlement, but that is not enough. As soon as the arrangements for fresh
registration are completed, every one of us who raises his hand should take out
a certificate of registration at once, and just as many of you had volunteered
before in order to explain to our compatriots why they should not register,
even so should you now come forward to explain to the community why they must
register. And it is only when we have thus worthily fulfilled our part that we
shall reap the real fruit of our victory.''

\par As soon as I finished my speech a Pathan friend stood up and
greeted me with a volley of questions:

\par ``Shall we have to give tea anger-prints under the settlement?''

\par ``Yes and no. My own view of the matter is, that all of us should
give digit impressions without the least hesitation. But those, who have any
conscientious objection to giving them or think it to be derogatory to their
self-respect, will not be obliged to give those impressions.''

\par ``What will you do yourself?''

\par ``I have decided to give ten finger-prints. It may not be for me
not to give them myself while advising others to do so.''

\par ``You were writing a deal about the ten finger-prints. It was you
who told us that they were required only from criminals. It was you
who said that the struggle centred round the finger-prints. How does
all that fit in with your attitude today?''

\par ``Even now I fully adhere to everything that I have written
before about finger-prints. Even now I say that in India finger-prints are
required from criminal tribes. I have said before and say even now, that it
would be a sin in virtue of the Black Act to give even our signatures not to
talk of finger-prints. It is true that I have, ?and I believe wisely,?laid
great stress on this requisition of finger-prints. It was easier to rouse the
community to a sense of the gravity of the situation by a reference to such a
new and startling feature of the Act as the fingerprints than to minor items in
which we had already yielded submission. And I saw from experience that the
community grasped the situation at once. But circumstances have now changed. I
say with all the force at my command, that what would have been a crime against
the people yesterday is in the altered circumstances of today the hallmark of a
gentleman. If you require me to salute you by force and if I submit to you, I
will have demeaned myself in the eyes of the public and in your eyes as well as
in my own. But if I of my own accord salute you as a brother or fellow-man,
that evinces my humility and gentlemanliness, and it will be counted to me as
righteousness before the Great White Throne. That is how I advise the community
to give the finger-prints.''

\par ``We have heard that you tease betrayed the community and sold it
to General Smuts for 15,000 pound. will never give the finger-prints
nor allow others to do I swear with Allah as my witness, that I will
kill the man who takes the lead in applying for registration.''

\par ``I can understand the feelings of Pathan friends, I am sure
that no one else believes me to be capable of selling the community. I have
already said that finger-prints will not be demanded from those who have sworn
not to give them. I will render all possible help to any Pathan or other who
wishes to register without giving finger-prints, and I assure him that he will
get the certificate all right without violence being done to his conscience. I
must confess, however, that I do not like the threat of death which the friend
has held out. I also believe that one may not be, swear to kill another in the
name of the Most High. I therefore take it; that it is only in a momentary fit
of passion that this friend has taken the oath. However that may be, whether or
not he carries out his threat, as the principal party responsible for this
settlement and as a servant of the community, it is my clear duty to take the
lead in giving finger-prints, and I pray to God that He graciously permit me so
to do. Death is the appointed end of all life. To die by the hand of a brother,
rather than by disease or in such other way, cannot be for me a matter for
sorrow. And if even in such a case I am free from the thoughts of anger or
hatred against my assailant, I know that that will redound to my eternal
welfare, and even the assailant will later on realize my perfect innocence.''

\par It is perhaps necessary to explain why these questions were asked. Although
there were not entertained any feelings of hatred against those who had
submitted to the Black Act, their action had been condemned in plain and strong
terms on the public platform as well as in Indian Opinion. Life with them
therefore was anything but pleasant. They never imagined that the bulk of the
community would stand to their guns and make such a display of strength as to
bring the Government to terms of compromise. But when over 150 Satyagrahis were
already in prison and there was a talk about settlement, it was almost too much
for the ``blacklegs'' to bear, and there were among them some who even wished
that there should be no settlement and would try to wreck it if it was effected.

\par There were only a few Pathans living in the Transvaal, their
total number hardly exceeding fifty. Some of them had come over as soldiers
during the Boer War and they had settled in the country like many other Indian
as well as European soldiers. Some of them were even my clients, and I was
familiar with them otherwise too. The Pathans are an unsophisticated and
credulous race. Brave they are as a matter of course. To kill and get killed is
an ordinary thing in their eyes, and if they are angry with any one, they will
thrash him and sometimes even kill him. And in this matter they are no
respecters of persons. They will behave even to a blood-brother in an identical
manner. Even though there were so few of them in the Transvaal, there would be
a free fight whenever they quarrelled among themselves, and in such cases I had
often to play the part of a peacemaker. A Pathan's anger becomes particularly
uncontrollable when he has to deal with any one whom he takes to be a traitor.
When he seeks justice he seeks it only through personal violence. These Pathans
fully participated in the Satyagraha struggle; none of them had submitted to
the Black Act. It was an easy thing to mislead them. It was quite possible to
create a misunderstanding in their minds about the finger-prints and thus to
inflame them. This single suggestion, ?viz., why should I ask them to give
finger-prints if I was not corrupt??was enough to poison the Pathans' ears.

\par Again there was another party in the Transvaal which comprised
such Indians as had entered the Transvaal surreptitiously without a permit or
were interested in bringing others there secretly either without a permit at
all or with a false permit. This party too knew that the settlement would be
detrimental to their interest. None had to produce his permit so long as the
struggle lasted, and therefore this group could carry on their trade without
fear and easily avoid going to jail during the struggle. The longer the
struggle was protracted, the better for them. Thus this clique also could have
instigated the Pathans. The reader will now see how the Pathans got thus
excited all of a sudden.

\par The Pathan's questions, however, did not have any impression on
the meeting. I had asked the meeting to vote on the settlement. The president
and other leaders were firm. After this passage-at-arms with the Pathan, the
president made a speech explaining the nature of the settlement and dwelling
upon the necessity for endorsing it, and then proceeded to ascertain the sense
of the meeting, which unanimously ratified the settlement with the exception of
a couple of Pathans present.

\par I reached home at 2 or 3 a.m. Sleep was out of the question, as I had to
rise early and go to the jail to get the others released. I reached the jail at
7 a.m. The Superintendent had received the necessary orders on the phone, and
he was waiting for me. All the Satyagrahi prisoners were released in the course
of one hour. The Chairman and other Indians were present to welcome them, and
from jail all of us proceeded to the place of meeting where a second meeting
was now held. That day and a couple of subsequent days were passed in feasting
and educating the community on the settlement. With the lapse of time, if on
the one hand the implications of the settlement became clearer
misunderstandings on the other hand also began to thicken. We have already
discussed the chief causes of misunderstanding. Then again the letter we had
written to General Smuts was open to misrepresentation. The difficulty I
experienced in meeting the various objections which were thus raised was
infinitely greater than what I had felt while the struggle was actually in
progress. In the days of struggle, the only difficulties felt crop up in our
relations with the adversary, and these are always easily overcome, for then
all internecine strife and internal discord are either suspended altogether or
at least they lose their prominence in face of the common danger. But when the
fight is over, internal jealousies are again fully in play, and if the
differences with the adversary have been amicably settled, many take to the
easy and grateful task of picking holes in the settlement. And in a democratic
body it is only in the fitness of things that one has to provide satisfactory
answers for the questions of every one, big and small. Even in offering battle
to the adversary one does not learn the valuable lessons which come home to
oneself while thus dealing with misunderstandings and strivings between
friends. There is a sort or intoxication and exultation in fighting the
adversary. But misunderstandings and differences between friends are rare
phenomena and are therefore all the more painful. Yet it is only on such
occasions that one's mettle is put to a real test. Such has been my experience
without any exception, and I believe that it is only when passing through such
ordeals that I have made the largest gains in things of the spirit. Many, who
had not understood the real nature of the struggle while it was still going on,
understood it fully in course of and after the settlement. Serious opposition
was confined to the Pathans and did not travel beyond them.

\par The registrar of Asiatics was soon ready to issue registration certificates
under the new voluntary arrangement. The form of the certificates was
altogether changed, and had been settled in consultation with the Satyagrahis.

\par On the morning of February 10, 1908 some of us got ready to go
and take out certificates of registration. The supreme necessity of getting
through the registration business with all possible expedition had been fully
impressed on the community, and it had been agreed, that the leaders should be
the first to take out certificates on the first day, with a view to break down
shyness, to see if the officers concerned discharged their duties with courtesy
and generally to have an eye over all the arrangements.

\par When I reached my office, which was also the office of the
Satyagraha Association, I found Mir Alam and his companions standing outside
the premises. Mir Alam was an old client of mine, and used to seek my advice in
all his affairs. Many Pathans in the Transvaal employed labourers to
manufacture straw or coir mattresses, which they sold at a good profit, and Mir
Alam did the same. He was fully six feet in height and of a large and powerful
build. Today for the first time I saw Mir Alam outside my office instead of
inside it, and though his eyes met mine, he for the first time refrained from
saluting me. I saluted him and he saluted me in return. As usual I asked him,
``How do you do?'' and my impression is that he said he was all right. But he did
not today wear his usual smile on the face. I noticed his angry eyes and took a
mental note of the fact. I thought that something was going to happen. I
entered the office. The Chairman Mr Yusuf Mian and other friends arrived, and
we set out for the Asiatic Office. Mir Alam and his companions followed us.

\par The Registration Office was at Von Brandis Square, less than a
mile away from my office. On our way to it we had to pass through high roads.
As we were going along Von Brandis Street, outside the premises of Messrs Arnot
and Gibson, not more than three minutes' walk from the Registration Office, Mir
Alam accosted me and asked me, ``Where are you going?''

\par ``I propose to take out a certificate of registration, giving the
ten finger-prints,'' I replied. ``If you will go with me, I will first get you a
certificate, with an impression only of the two thumbs, and then I will take
one for myself, giving the finger-prints.''

\par I had scarcely finished the last sentence when a heavy cudgel blow
descended on my head from behind. I at once fainted with the words He Rama (O
God!) on my lips, lay prostrate on the ground and had no notion of what
followed. But Mir Alam and his companions gave me more blows and kicks, some of
which were warded off by Yusuf Mian and Thambi Naidoo with the result that they
too became a target for attack in their turn. The noise attracted some European
passers-by to the scene. Mir Alam and his companions fled but were caught by
the Europeans. The police arrived in the meanwhile and took them in custody. I
was picked up and carried into Mr J. C. Gibson's private office. When I
regained consciousness, I saw Mr Doke bending over me. ``How do you feel?'' he
asked me.

\par ``I am all right,'' I replied, ``but there is pain in the teeth and
the ribs. Where is Mir Alam?''

\par ``He has been arrested along with the rest.''

\par ``They should be released.''

\par ``That is all very well. But here you are in a stranger's office
with your lip and cheek badly lacerated. The police are ready to take you to
the hospital, but if you will go to my place, Mrs Doke and I will minister to
your comforts as best we can.''

\par ``Yes, please take me to your place. Thank the police for their
offer but tell them that I prefer to go with you.''

\par Mr Chamney the Registrar of Asiatics too now arrived on the scene. I was
taken in a carriage to this good clergyman's residence in Smit Street and a
doctor was called in. Meanwhile I said to Mr Chamney: ``I wished to come to your
office, give ten finger-prints and take out the first certificate of
registration, but God willed it otherwise. However I have now to request you to
bring the papers and allow me to register at once. I hope that you will not let
any one else register before me.''

\par ``Where is the hurry about it?'' asked Mr Chamney. ``The doctor
will be here soon. You please rest yourself and all will be well. I
will issue certificates to others but keep your name at the head of
the list.''

\par ``Not so,'' I replied. ``I am pledged to take out the first
certificate if I am alive and if it is acceptable to God. It is
therefore that I insist upon the papers being brought here and now.''

\par Upon this Mr Chamney went away to bring the papers.

\par The second thing for me to do was to wire to the
Attorney-General that I did not hold Mir Alam and others guilty for the assault
committed upon me, that in any case I did not wish them to be prosecuted and
that I hoped they would be discharged for my sake. But the Europeans of
Johannesburg addressed a strong letter to the Attorney-General saying that
whatever views Gandhi might hold as regards the punishment of criminals, they
could not be given effect to in South Africa. Gandhi himself might not take any
steps, but the assault was committed not in a private place but on the high
roads and was therefore a public offence. Several Englishmen too were in a
position to tender evidence and the offenders must be prosecuted. Upon this
the Attorney-General re-arrested Mir Alam and one of his companions who were
sentenced to three months' hard labour. Only I was not summoned as a witness.

\par But let us return to the sick room. Dr Thwaites came in while Mr
Chamney was still away. He examined me and stitched up the wounds in the cheek
and on the upper lip. He prescribed some medicine to be applied to the ribs and
enjoined silence upon me so long as the stitches were not removed. He
restricted my diet to liquids only. He said that none of the injuries was
serious, that I should be able to leave my bed and take up my ordinary
activities in a week, but that I should be careful not to undertake much
physical strain for two months more. So saying he left.

\par Thus speech was forbidden me, but I was still master of my
hands. I addressed a short note as follows to the community through
the Chairman and sent it for publication:

\par ``I am well in the brotherly and sisterly hands of Mr and Mrs
Doke. I hope to take up my duty shortly.

\par ``Those who have committed the act did not know what they were doing. They
thought that I was doing what was wrong. They have had their redress in the
only manner they know. I therefore request that no steps be taken against
them.

\par ``Seeing that the assault was committed by a Musulman or Musulmans, the
Hindus might probably feel hurt. If so, they would put themselves in the wrong
before the world and their Maker. Rather let the blood spilt today cement the
two communities indissolubly - such is my heartfelt prayer. May God grant it.

\par ``Assault or no assault, my advice remains the same. The large majority of
Asiatics ought to give finger-prints. Those who have real conscientious
scruples will be exempted by the Government. To ask for more would be to show
ourselves as children.

\par ``The spirit of Satyagraha rightly understood should make the people fear
none and nothing but God. No cowardly fear therefore should deter the vast
majority of sober-minded Indians from doing their duty. The promise of repeal
of the Act against voluntary registration having been given, it is the sacred
duty of every good Indian to help the Government and the Colony to the
uttermost.''

\par Mr Chamney returned with the papers and I gave my fingerprints
but not without pain. I then saw that tears stood in Mr Chamney's eyes. I had
often to write bitterly against him, but this showed me how man's heart may be
softened by events.

\par The reader will easily imagine that all this did not take more
than a few minutes. Mr Doke and his good wife were anxious that I should be
perfectly at rest and peaceful, and were therefore pained to witness my mental
activity after the assault. They were afraid that it might react in a manner
prejudicial to my health. They, therefore, by making signs and similar devices,
removed all persons from near my bed, and asked me not to write or do anything.
I made a request in writing, that before and in order that I might lie down
quietly, their daughter Olive, who was then only a little girl, should sing for
me my favourite English hymn, ``Lead, kindly light.'' Mr Doke liked this very
much and acceded to my request with a sweet smile. He called Olive by signs and
asked her to stand at the door and sing the hymn in a low tone. The whole scene
passes before my eyes as I dictate this, and the melodious voice of little
Olive reverberates in my ears.

\par I have included in this chapter much that, I think and the
reader too will think, is irrelevant to my subject. Yet I cannot close this
chapter without adding one reminiscence, too sacred to be omitted. How shall I
describe the service rendered to me by the Doke family?

\par Mr Joseph Doke was a Baptist minister then 46 years old and had
been in New Zealand before he came to South Africa. Some six months before this
assault, he came to my office and sent in his card. On seeing the word
``Reverend'' before his name, I wrongly imagined that he had come, as some other
clergymen did, to convert me to Christianity or to advise me to give up the
struggle or perhaps to express patronizing sympathy with the movement. Mr Doke
entered, and we had not talked many miniutes before I saw how sadly I had
misjudged him and mentally apologized to him. I found him familiar with all the
facts of the struggle which were published in newspapers. He said, ``Please
consider me as your friend in this struggle. I consider it my religious duty to
render you such help as I can. If I have learnt any lesson from the life of
Jesus, it is this that one should share and lighten the load of those who are
heavily laden.'' We thus got acquainted with each other, and every day marked an
advance in our mutual affection and intimacy. The name of Mr Doke will often
recur in course of the present volume, but it was necessary to say a few words
by way of introducing him to the reader before I describe the delicate
attention I received at the hands of the Dokes.

\par Day and night one or other member of the family would be waiting
upon me. The house became a sort of caravanserai so long as I stayed there. All
classes of Indians flocked to the place to inquire after my health, and when
later permitted by the doctor, to see me, from the humble hawker basket in hand
with dirty clothes and dusty boots right up to the Chairman of the Transvaal
British Indian Association. Mr Doke would receive all of them in his drawing
room with uniform courtesy and consideration, and so long as I lived with the
Dokes, all their time was occupied either with nursing me or with receiving the
hundreds of people who looked in to see me. Even at night Mr Doke would quietly
peep twice or thrice into my room. While living under his hospitable roof, I
never so much as felt that it was not my home, or that my nearest and dearest
could have looked after me better than the Dokes.

\par And it must not be supposed that Mr Doke had not to suffer for according
public support to the Indians in their struggle and for harbouring me under his
roof. Mr Doke was in charge of a Baptist church, and depended for his
livelihood upon a congregation of Europeans, not all of whom entertained
liberal views and among whom dislike of the Indians was perhaps as general as
among other Europeans. But Mr Doke was unmoved by it. I had discussed this
delicate subject with him in the very beginning of our acquaintance. And he
said, ``My dear friend, what do you think of the religion of Jesus? I claim to
be a humble follower of Him, who cheertully mounted the cross for the faith
that was in Him, and whose love was as wide as the world. I must take a public
part in your struggle if I am at all desirous of representing Christ to the
Europeans who, you are afraid, will give me up as punishment for it. And I must
not complain if they do thus give me up. My livelihood is indeed derived from
them, but you certainly do not think that I am associated with them for
living's sake, or that they are my cherishers. My cherisher is God; they are
but the instruments of His Almighty will. It is one of the unwritten conditions
of my connection with them, that none of them may interfere with my religious
liberty. Please therefore stop worrying on my account. I am taking my place
beside you in this struggle not to oblige the Indians but as a matter of duty.
The fact, however, is that I have fully discussed this question with my dean. I
gently informed him, that if he did not approve of my relations with the
Indians, he might permit me to retire and engage another minister instead. But
he not only asked me not to trouble myself about it but even spoke some words
of encouragement. Again you must not imagine, that all Europeans alike
entertain hatred against your people. You can have no idea of the silent
sympathy of many with your tribulations, and you will agree with me that I must
know about it situated as I am.''

\par After this clear explanation, I never referred to the subject again. And
later on when Mr Doke died in the pursuit of his holy calling in Rhodesia, at a
time when the Satyagraha struggle was still in progress, the Baptists called a
meeting in their church, to which they invited the late Mr Kachhalia and other
Indians as well as myself, and which they asked me to address.

\par About ten days afterwards I had recovered enough strength to
move about fairly well, and I then took my leave of this godly
family. The parting was a great wrench to me no less than to the Dokes.

\chapter{European Support}

\par As the number of Europeans of position, who actively sided with
the Indians in their struggle, was fairly large, it will not perhaps, be out of
place to introduce them here to the reader all at once, so that when their
names occur later on in this narrative, they will not be strange to him, and I
shall not have to stop in the midst of the narrative in order to introduce
them. The order in which the names have been arranged is not the order of the
merit of service rendered, nor that of the public estimation in which the
bearers of the names were held. I mention the friends in order of the time when
I got acquainted with them and in connection with the various branches of the
struggle where they helped the Indians.

\par The first name is that of Mr Albert West, whose association with the
community dated from before the struggle and whose association with me
commenced earlier still. When I opened my office in Johannesburg my wife was
not with me. The reader will remember that in 1903 I received a cable from
South Africa and suddenly left India, expecting to return home within a year.
Mr West used to frequent the vegetarian restaurant in Johannesburg where I
regularly had my meals both morning and evening, and we thus became acquainted
with each other. He was then conducting a printing press in partnership with
another European. In 1904 a virulent plague broke out among the Indians in
Johannesburg. I was fully engaged in nursing the patients, and my visits to the
restaurant became irregular. Even when I went, I went there before the other
guests in order to avoid any possible danger from their coming in contact with
me. Mr West became anxious when he did not find me there for two days in
succession as he had read in the papers that I was attending to the plague
patients. The third day, at 6 o'clock in the morning I was scarcely ready to go
out when Mr West knocked at my door. When I opened it, I saw Mr West with his
beaming face.

\par ``I am so glad to see you,'' he exclaimed. ``I had been worrying about you,
not finding you at the restaurant. Do tell me if I can do anything for you.''

\par ``Will you nurse the patients?'' I asked jocularly.

\par ``Why not? I am quite ready.''

\par Meanwhile I had thought out my plans, and said, ``No other answer
could be expected of you, but there are already many helping with the nursing,
and besides, I propose to put you to still harder work. Madanjit is here on
plague duty, and there is no one to look after the Indian opinion press. If you
go to Durban and take charge of the press, it will be really a great help. I
cannot of course offer you any tempting terms. Ten pounds a month and half the
profits if any is all that I can afford.''

\par ``That is rather a tough job. I must have my partner's permission, and then
there are some dues to be collected. But never mind. Will you wait till evening
for my final answer?''

\par ``Yes, we meet in the park at 6 o'clock.''

\par So we met. Mr West had obtained his partner's permission. He
entrusted me with the recovery of his dues, and left for Durban by the evening
train the next day. In a month I had his report that not only was the press not
profitable at all but it was actually a losing concern. There were large
arrears to be collected but the books had been badly kept. Even the list of the
names and addresses of subscribers was incomplete. There was also mismanagement
in other respects. Mr West did not write all this as a matter of complaint. As
he did not care for profit, he assured me that he would not give up what he
had undertaken, but gave me clearly to understand that the paper would not be
paying its way for a long time to come.

\par Shri Madanjit had come to Johannesburg to canvass subscribers
for the paper as well as to confer with me as regards the management of the
press. Every month I had to meet a small or large deficit, and I was therefore
desirous of having a more definite idea of my possible liabilities. Madanjit
had no experience of printing press business and I had been thinking since the
beginning, that it would be well to associate a trained hand with him. The
plague broke out in the meantime, and as Madanjit was just the man for such a
crisis, I put him on to nursing. And I closed with West's unexpected offer and
told him that he was to go not temporarily while the epidemic lasted, but for
good. Hence his report on the prospects of the paper just referred to.

\par The reader knows how at last both the paper and the press were removed to
Phoenix, where West drew a monthly allowance of £ 3 instead of £ 10 as
previously arranged. West was himself fully agreeable to all these changes. I
never observed in him the least anxiety as to how he would be able to maintain
himself. I recognized in him a deeply religious spirit, although he was not a
student of religion. He was a man of perfectly independent temperament. He
would say what he thought of all things, and would not hesitate to call a spade
a spade. He was quite simple in habits. He was unmarried when we first met, and
I know that he lived a life of spotless purity. Some years later he went to
England to see his parents and returned a married man. By my advice he brought
with him his wife; mother-in-law and unmarried sister, who all lived in extreme
simplicity and in every way fraternized with the Indians in Phoenix. Miss Ada
West (or Devi Behn as we used to call her) is now 35 years old, is still
unmarried and leads a most pious life. She too rendered to the pioneers at
Phoenix services of no mean order. At one time or another she looked after the
little children, taught them English, cooked in the common kitchen, swept the
houses, kept accounts and did composing and other work in the press. Whatever
task came to her, she never hesitated in doing it. She is not now in Phoenix,
but that is because since my return to India the press has been unable to meet
even her small personal expenditure. West's mother-in-law is now one over
eighty years old. She is a fine hand at sewing, and used to help the settlement
with her skill as a tailor. Every one in Phoenix called her Cranny and felt
that she was really related so to him. I need scarcely say anything about Mrs
West. When many members of the Phoniex settlement were in jail, the Wests along
with Maganlal Gandhi took over the whole management of the institution. West
would see to the press and the paper, and in the absence of others and myself,
dispatch to Gokhale the cables which were to be seat from Durban. When even
West was arrested (though he was soon released), Gokhale got nervous and sent
over Andrews and Pearson.

\par Then there was Mr Ritch. I have already written about him. He
had joined my office before the struggle and proceeded to England for the bar
with a view to filling my place when I was not available. He was the moving
spirit of the South African British Indian Committee in London.

\par The third was Mr Polak, whose acquaintance like that of West I
casually made in the restaurant. He likewise left at once the sub-editorship of
The Transvaal Critic to join the staff of Indian Opinion. Every one knows how
he went to India and to England in connection with the struggle. When Ritch
went to England, I called Polak from Phoenix to Johannesburg, where he became
my articled clerk and then a full-fledged attorney. Later on he married. People
in India are familiar with Mrs Polak, who not only never came in her husband's
way but was a perfect helpmate to him during the struggle. The Polak, did not
see eye to eye with us in the non-cooperation movement, but they are still
serving India to the best of their ability.

\par The next was Mr Hermann Kallenbach, whom too I came to know before the
struggle. He is a German, and had it not been for the Great War, he would be in
India today. He is a man of strong feelings, wide sympathies and childlike
simplicity. He is an architect by profession, but there is no work, however
lowly, which he would consider to be beneath his dignity. When I broke up my
Johannesburg establishment, I lived with him, but he would be hurt if I offered
to pay him my share of the household expenses, and would plead that I was
responsible for considerable savings in his domestic economy. This was indeed
true. But this is not the place to describe my personal relations with European
friends. When we thought of accommodating the families of Satyagrahi prisoners
in Johannesburg in one place, Kallenbach lent the use of his big farm without
any rent. But more of that later. When Gokhale came to Johannesburg, the
community put him up at Kallenbatch's cottage which the illustrious guest liked
very much. Kallenbach went with me as far as Zanzibar to see Gokhale off. He
was arrested along with Polak and suffered imprisonment. Finally, when I left
South Africa to see Gokhale in England, Kallenbach was with me. But when I
returned to India, he was not permitted to go with me to India on account of
the war. He was like all other Germans interned in England. When the war was
over Kallenbach returned to Johannesburg and recommenced the practice of his
profession.

\par Let me now introduce the reader to a noble girl, I mean Miss Sonja
Schlesin. I cannot resist the temptation of placing here on record Gokhale's
estimate of her character. He had a wonderful power of judging men. I went with
him from Delagoa Bay to Zanzibar, and the voyage gave us a fine opportunity of
quiet talks. Gokhale had come in contact with Indian and European leaders in
South Africa. And while minutely analysing for me the characters of the
principal persons of the drama, I perfectly remember that he gave the pride of
place among them all, Europeans as well as Indians, to Miss Schlesin: ``I have
rarely come across such purity, single-minded devotion to work and great
determination as I have seen in Miss Schlesin. I was simply astonished how she
had sacrificed her all for the Indian cause without expecting any reward
whatever. And when you add to all this her great ability and energy, these
qualities combine to make her a priceless asset to your movement. I need hardly
say it and yet I say that you must cherish her.'' I had a Scottish girl, Miss
Dick, working with me as stenotypist, who was the very picture of loyalty and
purity. Many a bitter experience has been my portion in life, but I have also
had the good fortune to claim a large number of European and Indians of high
character as my associates. Miss Dick left me when she married, and then Mr
Kallenbach introduced Miss Schlesin to me and said, ``This girl has been
entrusted to me by her mother. She is clever and honest, but she is very
mischievous and impetuous. Perhaps she is even insolent. You keep her if you
can manage her. I do not her with you for the mere pay.'' I was ready to allow
£20 a month to a good stenotypist, but I had no idea of Miss Schlesin's
ability. Mr Kallenbach proposed that I should pay her £ 6 a month to begin
with, and I readily agreed. Miss Schlesin soon made me familiar with the
mischievous part of herself. But in a month's time she had achieved the
conquest of my heart. She was ready to work at all times whether by day or at
night. There was nothing difficult or impossible for her. She was then only
sixteen years of age, but she captivated my clients as well as the fellow
Satyagrahis by her frankness and readiness to serve. This young girl soon
constituted herself the watchman, and warder of the morality not only of my
office but of whole movement. Whenever she was in doubt as to ethical propriety
of any proposed step, she would freely discuss it with me and not rest till she
was convinced of it. When all the leaders except Sheth Kachhalia were in jail,
Miss Schlesin had control of large funds and was in charge of the accounts. She
handled workers of various temperaments. Even Sheth Kachhalia would have
recourse to her and seek her advice. Mr Doke was then in charge of Indian
Opinion. But even he, hoary-headed veteran as he was, would get the articles he
wrote for Indian Opinion passed by her. And he once told me, ``If Miss Schlesin
had not been there, I do not know how I could have satisfied my own self with
my work. I cannot sufficiently appreciate the value of her assistance, and very
often I have accepted the corrections or additions she suggested knowing them
to be appropriate.'' Pathans, Patels, ex-indentured Indians of all classes and
ages surrounded her, sought her advice and followed it. Europeans in South
Africa would generally never travel in the same railway compartment as Indians,
and in the Transvaal they are even prohibited from doing so. Yet Miss Schlesin
would deliberately sit in the third class compartment for Indians like other
Satyagrahis and even resist the guards who interfered with her. I feared and
Miss Schlesin hoped that she might be arrested some day. But although the
Trasnvaal Government were aware of her ability, her mastery over the ``strategy''
of the movement, and the hold she had acquired over the Satyagrahis, they
adhered to the policy and the chivalry of not arresting her. Miss Schlesin
never asked for or desired an increase in her monthly allowance of £ 6. I began
giving her £10 when I came to know of some of her wants. This too she accepted
with reluctance, and flatly declined to have anything more. ``I do not need
more, and if I take anything in excess of my necessities, I will have betrayed
the principle which has attracted me to you,'' she would say, and silence me.
The reader will perhaps ask what was Miss Schlesin's education. She had passed
the Intermediate examination of the Cape University, and obtained first class
diploma in shorthand etc. She graduated after the struggle was over, and is now
head mistress in a Government Girls' School in the Transvaal.

\par Herbert Kitchin was an English electrician with a heart pure as
crystal. He worked with us during the Boer War and was for some time
editor of Indian Opinion. He was a lifelong brahmachari.

\par The persons I have thus far mentioned were such as came in close
contact with me. They could not be classed among the leading Eurcpeans of the
Transvaal. However, this latter class too was very largely helpful, and the
most influential of such helpers was Mr Hosken, ex-President of the Association
of Chambers of Commerce of South Africa and a member of the Legislative
Assembly of the Transvaal, whose acquaintance the reader has already made and
who was Chairman of the Committee of European sympathizers with the Satyagraha
movement. When the movement was in full swing, direct communications between
Satyagrahis and the local Government were obviously out of the question, not
because of any objection on principle on the part of the Satyagrahis to deal
directly with Government but because the latter would naturally not confer with
the breakers of its laws. And this committee acted as mediator between the
Indians and the Government.

I have already introduced Mr Albert Cartwright to the reader. Then there was
Rev. Charles Phillips who joined and assisted us even as Mr Doke did. Mr
Phillips had long been Congregational minister in the Transvaal. His good wife
too did us much service. A third clergyman who had given up orders to take up
the editorship of the Bloemfontein daily The Friend and who supported the
Indian cause in his paper in the teeth of European opposition was Rev. Dewdney
Drew, one of the best speakers in South Africa. A similarly spontaneous helper
was Mr Vere Stent, editor of The Petoria News. A mass meeting of Europeans was
once held in the Town Hall of Pretoria under the presidency of the Mayo: to
condemn the Indian movement and to support the Black Act. Mr Vere Stent alone
stood up in opposition to the overwhelming majority of anti-Indians and refused
to sit down in spite of the president's orders. The Europeans threatened to lay
hands on him, yet he stood unmoved and defiant like a lion, and the meeting
disperesed at last without passing its resolution.

\par There were other Europeans whose names I could mention and who
never missed an opportunity of doing us a good turn, although they did not
formally join any association. But I propose to close this chapter with a few
words about three ladies. One, of these was Miss Hobhouse, the daughter of Lord
Hobhouse, who at the time of the Boer War reached the Transvaal against the
wishes of Lord Milner, and who single-handed moved among the Boer women,
encouraged them and bade them to stand firm when Lord Kitcheaer had set up his
famous or rather infamous ``concentration camps'' in the Transvaal and the Free
State. She believed the English policy in respect of the Boer War to be totally
unrighteous, and therefore like the late Mr Stead she wished and prayed to Cod
for England's defeat in the war. Having thus served the Boers, she was shocked
to learn that the same Boers, who had only recently resisted injustice with all
their might, were now led into doing injustice to the Indians through ignorant
prejudice. The Boers looked up to her with great respect and affection. Site
was very intimate with General Botha, and did her best to commend to the Boers
the policy of repealing the Black Act.

\par The second lady was Miss Olive Schreiner, to whom I have already
referred in a previous chapter. The name Schreiner is one to conjure with in
South Africa, so much so that when Miss Schreiner married, her husband adopted
her name so that (I was told) her relation with the Schreiners might not be
forgotten among the Europeans of South Africa. This was not due to any false
pride, as Miss Schreiner was as simple in habits and humble in spirit as she
was learned. I had the privilege of being familiar with her. She knew no
difference between her Negro servants and herself. Authoress of Dreams and many
other works as she was, she never hesitated to cook, wash the pots or handle
the broom. She held that far from affecting it adversely, such useful physical
labour stimulated her literary ability and made for a sense of proportion and
discrimination in thought and language. This gifted lady lent to the Indian
cause the whole weight of her influence over the Europeans of South Africa.

\par The third lady was Miss Molteno, an aged member of that ancient
family of South Africa, who also did her best for the Indians.

\par The reader may ask what fruit all this sympathy of the Europeans bore.
Well, this chapter has not been written to describe the practical consequences
of their sympathy. The work detailed above of some of these friends bears
witness to a portion of the result. The very nature of Satyagraha is such that
the fruit of the movement is contained in the movement itself. Satyagraha is
based on self-help, self-sacrifice and faith in God. One of my objects in
enumerating the names of European helpers is to mark the Satyagrahis'
gratefulness to them. This history would be justly considered incomplete
without such mention. I have not tried to make the list exhaustive, but have
tendered the Indians' thanks to all in selecting a few for especial mention.
Secondly, as a Satyagrahi I hold to the faith, that all activity pursued with a
pure heart is bound to bear fruit, whether or not such fruit is visible to us.
And last but not the least, I have tried to show that all truthful movements
spontaneously attract to themselves all manner of pure and disinterested help.
If it is not clear already, I should like to make it clear that no other effort
whatever was made during the struggle to enlist European sympathy beyond the
effort, if effort it can be called, involved in adherence to Truth and Truth
alone. The European friends were attracted by the inherent power of the
movement itself.

\chapter{Further Internal Difficulties}

\par We have had some idea of our internal difficulties in Chapter XXII. When I
was assaulted in Johannesburg, my family lived in Phoenix and were naturally
anxious about me. But it was not possible for them to expend money on the
journey from Phoenix to Johannesburg. It was therefore necessary for me to see
them after my recovery.

\par I was often on the move between the Transvaal and Natal in
connection with my work. From the letters of Natal friends I was aware that in
Natal too the settlement had been grossly misunderstood. And I had received a
sheaf of correspondence addressed to Indian Opinion in which adverse criticism
was passed on the settlement. Although the Satyagraha struggle was still
confined to the Transvaal Indians, we must seek the support and enlist the
sympathies of the Natal Indians also. The Transvaal struggle was not a mere
local affair and the Indians in the Transvaal were really fighting the battle
on behalf of all the Indians in South Africa. And therefore also I must go to
Durban and remove the misunderstandings prevalent there. So I took the first
opportunity to run up to Durban.

\par A public meeting of the Indians was called in Durban. Some
friends had warned me beforehand that I would be attacked at this meeting and
that I should therefore not attend it at all or at least take steps for
defending myself. But neither of the two courses was open to me. If a servant
when called by his master fails to respond through fear, he forfeits his title
to the name of servant. Nor does he deserve the name if he is afraid of the
master's punishment. Service of the public for service's sake is like walking
on the sword's edge. If a servant is ready enough for praise he may not flee in
the face of blame. I therefore presented myself at the meeting at the appointed
time. I explained to the meeting how the settlement had been effected, and also
answered the questions put by the audience. The meeting was held at 8 o'clock
in the evening. The proceedings were nearly over when a Pathan rushed to the
platform with a big stick. The lights were put out at the same time. I grasped
the situation at once. Sheth Daud Muhammad the chairman stood up on the
chairman's table and tried to quell the disturbance. Some of those on the
platform surrounded me to defend my person. The friends who feared an assault
had come to the place prepared for eventualities. One of them had a revolver
in his pocket and he fired a blank shot. Meanwhile Parsi Rustomji who had
noticed the gathering clouds went with ail possible speed to the police station
and informed Superintendent Alexander, who sent a police party. The police made
a way for me through the crowd and took me to Parsi Rustomji's place.

\par The next day Parsi Rustomji brought all the Pathans of Durban
together in the morning, and asked them to place before me all their complaints
against me. I met them and tried to conciliate them, but with little success.
They had a preconceived notion that I had betrayed the community, and until
this poison. was removed, it was useless reasoning with them. The canker of
suspicion cannot be cured by arguments or explanations.

\par I left Durban for Phoenix the same day. The friends who had
guarded me the previous night would not let me alone, and informed me that they
intended to accompany me to Phoenix. I said, ``I cannot prevent you if you will
come in spite of me. But Phoenix is a jungle. And what will you do if we the
only dwellers in it do not give you even food?'' One of the friends replied,
``That won't frighten us. We are well able to look after ourselves. And so long
as we are a-soldiering, who is there to prevent us from robbing your pantry?''
We thus made a merry party for Phoenix.

\par The leader of this self-appointed guard was Jack Moodaley, a
Natal-born Tamilian well known among the Indians as a trained boxer. He and
his companions believed that no man in South Africa, whether white or coloured,
was a match for him in that branch of sport.

\par In South Africa I had for many years been in the habit of
sleeping in the open at all times except when there was rain. I was not
prepared now to change the habit, and the self-constituted guard decided to
keep watch all night. Though I had tried to laugh these men out of their
purpose, I must confess that I was weak enough to feel safer for their
presence. I wonder if I could have slept with the same ease if the guard had
not been there. I suppose I should have been startled by some noise or other. I
believe that I have an unflinching faith in God. For many years I have accorded
intellectual assent to the proposition that death is only a big change in life
and nothing more, and should he welcome whenever it arrives. I have
deliberately made a. supreme attempt to cast out from my heart all fear
whatsoever including the fear of death. Still I remember occasions in my life
when I have not rejoiced at the thought of approaching death as one might
rejoice at the prospect of meeting a long lost friend. Thus man often remains
weak notwithstanding all his efforts to be strong, and knowledge which stops at
the head and does not penetrate into the heart is of but little use in the
critical times of living experience. Then again the strength of the spirit
within, mostly evaporates when a person gets and accepts support from outside.
A Satyagrahi must be always on his guard against such temptations.

\par While in Phoenix I did just one thing. I wrote a great deal with
a view to removing misunderstandings about the compromise, including an
imaginary dialogue for Indian Opinion in which I disposed of in ample detail
the objections advanced and criticisms passed against the settlement. I believe
that this dialogue produced a good eflect. It was found that the Transvaal
Indians, whose misunderstanding of the settlement, if persistent, would have
led to really disastrous results, did not long misunderstand it. It was only
for the Transvaal Indians to accept or to reject the settlement. They were on
their trial as well as myself as their leader and servant. In the end there
were hardly any Indians who had not registered themselves voluntarily. There
was such a rush of the applicants for registration that the officers concerned
were hard pressed with work, and in a very short time the Indians had fulfilled
their part of the settlement. Even the Government had to admit this, and I
could see that the misunderstanding, though of an acute nature, was quite
limited in its extent. There was no doubt a great deal of stir when some
Pathans violently took the law into their own hands. But such violent stir,
when analysed, often turns out to have no bottom at all and is equally often
only temporary. And yet it is a power in the world today as we are apt to be
unnerved in the face of violence. If however we calmly think about it, we shall
find that there is no reason for nervousness. Just suppose that Mir Alam and
his friends, instead of only wounding, had actually destroyed my body. And
suppose also that the community had deliberately remained calm and unperturbed,
and forgiven the offenders perceiving that according to their lights they could
not behave otherwise than they did. Far from injuring the community, such a
noble attitude would have greatly benefited them. All misunderstanding would
have disappeared, and Mir Alam and party would have had their eyes opened to
the error of their ways. As for me, nothing better can happen to a Satyagrahi
than meeting death all unsought in the very act of Satyagraha, i.e., pursuing
Truth. All these propositions are true only of a struggle like the Satyagraha
movement, where there is no room for hatred, where self-reliance is the order
of the day, where no one has to look expectantly at another, where there are no
leaders and hence no followers, or where all are leaders and all are followers,
so that the death of a fighter, however eminent, makes not for slackness but on
the other hand intensifies the struggle.

\par Such is the pure and essential nature of Satyagraha, not realized in
practice, because not every one of us has shed hatred. In actual practice the
secret of Satyagraha is not understood by all, and the many are apt
unintelligently to follow the few. Again as Tolstoy observed, the Transvaal
struggle was the first attempt at applying the principle of Satyagraha to
masses or bodies of men. I do not know any historical example of pure mass
Satyagraha. I cannot however formulate any definite opinion on the point, as my
knowledge of history is limited. But as a matter of fact we have nothing to do
with historical precedents. Granted the fundamental principles of Satyagraha,
it will be seen that the consequences I have described are bound to follow as
night the day. It will not do to dismiss such a valuable force with the remark
that it is difficult or impossible of application. Brute force has been the
ruling factor in the world for thousands of years, and mankind has been reaping
its bitter harvest all along, as he who runs may read. There is little hope of
anything good coming out of it in the future. If light can come out of
darkness, then alone can love emerge from hatred.

\chapter{General Smuts' breach of faith ?}

\par The reader has seen something of the internal difficulties, in
describing which I had to draw largely upon my own life story, but that could
not be avoided, as my own difficulties regarding Satyagraha became equally the
difficulties of the Satyagrahis. We now return to the external situation.

\par I am ashamed of writing the caption of this chapter as well as the chapter
itself, for it deals with the obliquity of human nature. Already in 1908
General Smuts ranked as the ablest leader in South Africa, and today he takes a
high place among the politicians of the British Empire, and even of the world.
I have no doubt about his great abilities. General Smuts is as able a general
and administrator as he is a lawyer. Many other politicians have come and gone
in South Africa, but from 1907 up to date the reins of Government have
practically been held throughout by this gentleman, and even today he holds a
unique position in the country. It is now nine years since I South Africa. I do
not know what epithet the people South Africa now bestow upon General Smuts.
His Christian name is Jan, and South Africa used to call ``slim Janny.'' Many
English friends had asked me to beware of General Smuts, as he was a very
clever man and a trimmer, whose words were intelligible only to self and often
of a kind that either party could interpret them in a sense favourable to
himself. Indeed on a suitable occasion he would lay aside the interpretations
of both the parties, put a fresh interpretation upon them, carry it out and
support it by such clever arguments that parties for the time would be led to
imagine that were wrong themselves and General Smuts was right in construing
the words as he did. As regards the events I am now going to describe, we
believed and said, when they happened, that General Smuts had played us false.
Even today, I look upon the incident as a breach of faith from the Indian
community's standpoint. However I have placed a mark of interrogation after the
phrase, as in point of fact the General's action did not perhaps amount to an
intentional breach of faith. It could not be described breach of faith if the
intention was absent. My expirence of General Smuts in 1913-14 did not then
seem bitter and does not seem so to me today, when I can think of past events
with a greater sense of detachment. It is quite possible that in behaving to
the Indians as he did in 1908 General Smuts was not guilty of a deliberate
breach of faith.

\par These prefatory words were necessary in justice General Smuts,
as well as in defence of the use of the pharse ``breach of faith'' in connection
with his name and of what I am going to say in the present chapter.

\par We have seen in the last chapter how the Indians registered
voluntarily to the satisfaction of the Transvaal Government. The Government
must now repeal the Black Act, and if they did, the Satyagraha struggle would
come to an end. This did not mena the end of the entire mass of anti-Indian
legislation in the country or the redress of all the Indian grievances, for
which the Indians must still continue their constitutional agitation.
Satyagraha was directed solely to the scattering of the new and ominous could
on the horizon in the shape of the Black Act, which, if accepted by the
Indians, would have humiliated them and prepared the way for their final
extinction first in the Transvaal and then throughout South Africa. But instead
of repealing the Black Act, General Smuts took a fresh step forward. He
maintained the Black Act on the statute book and introduced into the
legislature a measure, validating the voluntary registrations effected and the
certificates issued subsequent to the date fixed by the Government in terms of
that Act, taking the holders of the voluntary registration certificates out of
its operation, and making further provision for the registration of Asiatics.
Thus there came into force two concurrent pieces of legislation with one and
the same object, and freshly arriving Indians, as well as even later applicants
for registration were still subject to the Black Act.

\par I was astounded when I read the Bill. I did not know how I would
face the community. Here was excellent food for the Pathan friend who had
severely criticized me at the midnight meeting. But I must say that far from
shaking it, this blow made my faith in Satyagraha stronger than ever. I called
a meeting of our Gommittee and explained the new situation to them. Some of the
members tauntingly said, ``There you are. We have often been telling you that
you are very credulous, and believe in everything that any one says. It would
not matter much if yon were so simple in your private affairs, but the
community has to suffer for your credulity in public matters. It is very
difficult now to rouse the same spirit as actuated our people before. You know
what stuff we Indians are made of, men whose momentary enthusiasm must be taken
at the flood. If you neglect the temporary tide, you are done for.''

\par There was no bitterness in these taunting words. Such things had
been addressed to me on other occasions. I
replied with a smile: ``Well, what you call my credulity is part and
parcel of myself. It is not credulity but trust, and it is the duty
of every one of us, yours as well as mine, to trust our fellowmen.
And even granting that it is really a defect with me, you must take
me as you find me with my defects no less than with my qualities.
But I cannot concede that the enthusiasm of the community is a mere
temporary effervescence. You must remember that you, as well as I,
are members of the community. I should consider it an insult if you
thus characterized my enthusiasm. I take it that you too regard
yourselves as exceptions to the general rule you seek to formulate.
But if you don't you do the community the injustice of imagining
that others are as weak-kneed as yourselves. In great struggles like
ours there is always a tide and an ebb. However clear may be your
understanding with the adversary, what is there to prevent him from
breaking faith? There are many among us who pass promissory notes to
others. What can be dearer and more free from doubt than a man's
putting his signature to a document? Yet suits must be filed against
them; they will oppose the suits and offer all kinds of defence. At
last there are decrees and writs of attachment which take a long
time and cost great trouble to execute. Who can guarantee against
the repetition of such flagrant behaviour? I would therefore advise
you patiently to deal with the problem before us. We have to
consider what we can do in case the struggle has to be resumed, that
is to say, what each Satyagrahi can do absolutely regardless of the
conduct of others. Personally I am inclined to think, that if only
we are true to ourselves, others will not be found wanting, and even
if they are inclined to weakness, they will be strengthened by our
example.''

\par I believe this was enough to conciliate the well-intentioned
sceptics who were doubtful about the resumption of the struggle. About this
time Mr Kachhalia began to show his mettle and come to the front. On every
point he would announce his considered opinion in the fewest words possible and
then stick to it through thick and thin. I do not remember a single occasion on
which he betrayed weakness or doubt about the final result. A time came when
Yusuf Mian was not ready to continue at the helm in troubled waters. We all
with one voice acclaimed Kachhalia as our captain and from that time forward to
the end he held unflinchingly to his responsible post. He fearlessly put up
with hardships which would have daunted almost any other man in his place. As
the struggle advanced, there came a stage when going to jail was a perfectly
easy task for some and a means of getting well-earned rest, whereas it was
infinitely more difficult to remain outside, minutely to look into all things,
to make various arrangements and to deal with all sorts and conditions of men.

\par Later on the European creditors of Kachhalia caught him as in a
noose. Many Indian traders are entirely dependent in their trade on European
firms, which sell them lakhs of rupees worth of goods on credit on mere
personal security. That Europeans should repose such trust in Indian traders is
an excellent proof of the general honesty of Indian trade. Kachhalia likewise
owed large sums to many European firms, which asked him at once to meet their
dues, being instigated thereto directly or indirectly by the Government. The
firms gave Kachhalia to understand that they would not press for immediate
payment if he left the Satyagraha movement. But if he did not, they were afraid
of losing their money as he might be arrested any time by the Government, and
therefore demanded immediate satisfaction in cash. Kachhalia bravely replied,
that his participation in the Indian struggle was his personal affair, which
had nothing to do with his trade. He considered that his religion, the honour
of his community and his own self-respect were bound up with the struggle. He
thanked his creditors for the support they had extended to him, but refused to
attach any undue importance to that support or indeed to his trade. Their money
was perfectly safe with him, and as long as he was alive he would repay them in
full at any cost. But if anything happened to him, his stock as well as the
book debts owing to him were at their disposal. He therefore wished that his
creditors would continue to trust him as before. This was a perfectly fair
argument, and Kachhalia's firmness was an additional reason for his creditors
to trust him, but on this occasion it failed to impress them. We can rouse from
his slumbers a man who is really asleep but not him who only makes a pretence
of sleep all the while that he is awake, and so it was with these European
traders, whose sole object was to bring undue pressure to bear upon Kachhalia.
Otherwise their money was perfectly safe.

\par A meeting of the creditors was held in my office on January 22,
1909. I told them clearly that the pressure to which they were subjecting
Kachhalia was purely political and unworthy of merchants, and they were
incensed at my remark. I showed them Kachhalia Sheth's balance sheet and proved
that they could have their 20 s. in the pound. Again if the creditors wanted to
sell the business to some one else, Kachhalia was ready to hand over the goods
and the book debts to the purchaser. If this did no suit them, the creditors
could take over the stock in Kachhalia's shop at cost price, and if any part of
their dues still remained unsatisfied, they were free to take over book debts
due to him sufficient to cover the deficit. The reader can see that in agreeing
to this arrangement the European merchants had nothing to lose. I had on many
previous occasions effected such arrangements with the creditors of some of my
clients who were hard pressed. But the merchants at this juncture did not seek
justice. They were out to bend Kachhalia. Kachhalia would not bend, bankruptcy
proceedings were instituted against him, and he was declared an insolvent,
though his estate showed a large excess of assets over liabilities.

\par Far from being a blot upon his escutcheon this insolvency was
perfectly honourable to him. It enhanced his prestige among the community and
all congratulated him upon his firmness and courage. But such heroism rarely
found. The man in the street cannot understand how insolvency can cease to be
insolvency, cease to be disgrace and become an honour and an ornament, but
Kachhalia realized it at once. Many traders had submitted to the Black Act
merely from a fear of insolvency. Kachhalia could have warded off the
insolvency if he had wished, not by leaving the struggle, ?that was out of the
question; ?but by borrowing from his many Indian friends who would have gladly
helped him over the crisis. But it would not have been becoming in him to have
saved his trade by such means. The danger of being any day clapped into gaol he
shared in common with all Satyagrahis It would therefore be hardly proper for
him to borrow from a fellow Satyagrahi to pay his European creditors. But among
his friends there were ``blacklegs'' also whose help was available. Indeed one or
two of them actually offered assistance. But to accept their offer would have
been tantamount to an admission that there was wisdom in submitting to the
obnoxious Act. We therefore decided to decline their proffered aid.

\par Again we thought that if Kachhalia allowed himself to be
declared an insolvent, his insolvency would serve as a shield for others, for
if not in all, at least in an over-whelmingly large majority of cases of
insolvency, the creditor stands to lose something. He is quite pleased if he
realizes 10 s. in the pound, and considers 15 s. quite as good as 20 s. in the
pound. For big traders in South Afric generally reap a profit not of 61/4 but
of 25 per cent. They therefore consider 15 s. as good as full payment. But as
20 s. in the pound is hardly ever realized from a bankrupt's estate, creditors
are not anxious to reduce their debtor to a state of insolvency. As soon,
therefore, as Kachhalia was declared an insolvent, there was every likelihood
that the European traders would cease to threaten other Satyagrahi traders who
were their debtor And that was exactly what happeaed. The Europeans wanted to
compel Kachhalia either to give up the struggle or else to pay them in full in
cash. They failed to achieve any of these two objects, and the actual result
was the very reverse of what they had expected. They were dumbfounded by this
first case of a respectable Indian trader welcoming insolvency and were quiet
ever afterwards. In a year's time the creditors realized 20 s. in the pound
from Kachhalia Sheth's stock-in-trade, and this was the first case in South
Africa to my knowledge in which creditors were paid in full from the insolvent
debtor's estate. Thus even while the struggle was in progress, Kachhalia
commanded great respect among the European merchants, who showed their
readiness to advance to him any amount of goods in spite of his leading the
movement. But Kachhalia was every day gaining in strength and in an intelligent
appreciation of the struggle. No one could now tell how long the struggle would
last. We had therefore resolved after the insolvency proceedings that the Sheth
should not make any large commitments in trade during the continuance of the
movement, but confine his operations within such moderate limits as would
suffice to provide him with his daily bread. He therefore did not avail himself
of the European merchants' offer.

\par I need scarcely say that all these incidents in the life of Kachhalia Sheth
did not happen soon after the Committee meeting referred to above, but I have
found place for them here in the shape of a connected narrative.
Chronologically, Kachhalia became Chairman some time after the resumption of
the struggle (September 10, 1908) and his insolvency came about five months
later.

\par But to return to the Committee meeting. When the meeting was over, I wrote
a letter to General Smuts, saying that his new bill constituted a breach of the
compromise, and drawing his attention to the following passage in his Richmond
speech delivered within a week of the settlement: ``The Indians' second
contention was that they would never register until the law had been repealed.
He had told them that the law would not be repealed so long as there was an
Asiatic in the country who had not registered. Until every Indian in the
country had registered the law would not be repealed.'' Politicians do not reply
at all to questions which land them in difficulty, or if they do, they resort
to circumlocution. General Smuts was a past master of this art. You may write
to him as often as you please, you may make any number of speeches you like,
but if he is unwilling to reply, nothing that you do can draw him out. The law
of courtesy, which requires a gentleman to reply to letters received, could not
bind General Smuts, and I did not receive any satisfactory reply to my letters.

\par I met Albert Cartwright who had been our mediator. He was deeply
shocked and exclaimed, ``Really I cannot understand this man at all. I perfectly
remember that he promised to repeal the Asiatic Act. I will do my best but you
know that nothing can move General Smuts when he has once taken up a stand.
Newspaper articles are as nothing to him. So I am afraid I may not be of much
help to you.'' I also met Mr Hosken who wrote to General Smuts but who received
only a very unsatisfactory reply. I wrote articles in Indian Opinion under the
caption of ``Foul Play'', but what was that to the redoubtable General? One may
apply any bitter epithets one likes to a philosopher or a heartless man but in
vain. They will follow the even tenor of their way. I do not know which of
these two appelations would fit General Smuts. I must admit that there is a
sort of philosophy about his attitude. When I was corresponding with him and
writing in the paper against him, I remember I had taken General Smuts to be a
heartless man. But this was only the beginning of the struggle, only its second
year, while it was to last as long as eight years, in course of which I had
many occasions of meeting him. From our subsequent talks I often felt that the
general belief in South Africa about General Smuts cunning did him perhaps less
than justice. I am however sure of two things. First, he has some principles in
politic which are not quite immoral. Secontly, there is room in his politics
for cunning and on occasions for preversion of tuth.

\chapter{Resumption of the Struggle}

\par If on the one hand we were trying to induce Smuts to fulfil his
part of the settlement, we were on the other hand enthusiastically engaged in
educating community. We found the people everywhere ready to resume the
struggle and go to jail. Meetings were held in every place, where we explained
the correspondence which was being carried on with the Government. The weekly
diary in Indian Opinion kept the Indians fully abreast of current events, and
they were warned of the impending failure of the voluntary registration, and
asked to hold themselves in readiness to burn the certificates if the Black Act
was not repealed after all, and thus let the Government note that the community
was fearless and firm ready to go to prison. Certificates were collected from
every place with a view to making a bonfire of them.

\par The Government bill we have referred to in the previous chapter was about
to pass through the Legislature, to which a petition was presented on behalf of
the Indians but in vain. At last an ``ultimatum'' was sent to the Government by
the Satyagrahis. The word was not the Satyagrahis' but of General Smuts who
thus chose to style the letter they had addressed to him signifying the
determination of the community. The General said, ``The people who have offered
such a threat to the Government have no idea of its power. I am only sorry that
some agitators are trying to inflame poor Indians who will be ruined if they
succumb to their blandishments.'' As the newspaper reporter wrote on this
occasion, many members of the Transvaal Assembly reddened with rage at this
``ultimatum'' and unanimously and enthusiastically passed the bill introduced by
General Smuts.

\par The so-called ultimatum may be thus summarized : ``The point of the
agreement between the Indians and General Smuts clearly was that if the Indians
registered voluntarily, he on his part should bring forward in the Legislature
a bill to validate such registration and to repeal the Asiatic Act. It is well
known that the Indians have registered voluntarily to the satisfaction of the
Government, and therefore the Asiatic Act must be repealed. The community has
sent many communications to General Smuts and taken all possible legal steps to
obtain redress but thus far to no purpose. At a time when the bill is passing
through the Legislature, it is up to the leaders to apprise the Government of
the discontent and strong feeling prevalent in the community. We regret to
state, that if the Asiatic Act is not repealed in terms of the settlement, and
if Government's decision to that effect is not communicated to the Indians
before a specific date, the certificates collected by the Indians would be
burnt, and they would humbly but firmly take the consequences.''

\par One reason why this letter was held to be an ultimatum was that
it prescribed a time limit for reply. Another reason was that the Europeans
looked upon the Indians as savages. If the Europeans had considered the Indians
to be their equals, they would have found this letter perfectly courteous and
would have given it most serious consideration. But the fact that the Europeans
thought Indians to be barbarians was a sufficient reason for the Indians to
write such letter. The Indians must either confess to their being barbarians
and consent to be suppressed as such, or else they must take active steps in
repudiation of the charge of barbarism. This letter was the first of such
steps. If there had not been behind the letter an iron determination to act up
to it, it would have been held an impertinence, and the Indians would have
proved themselves to be a thoughtless and foolish race.

\par The reader will perhaps point out that the charge of barbarism was
repudiated in 1906 when the Satyagraha pledge was taken. And if so, there was
nothing new about this letter which might warrant my giving it so much
importance and dating the denial of the charge from it. This is true so far as
it goes; but on thinking a little more deeply, it will appear that the
repudiation really began with this letter. It should be remembered that the
Satyagraha pledge came in almost by accident, and the subsequent imprisonments
followed as an inevitable corollary. The community then gained largely in
stature but unconsciously. But when this letter was written, there was a
deliberate intention of claiming full knowledge and high prestige. Now as well
as before the object aimed at was the repeal of the Black Act. But there was
change in the style of language used, in the methods of work selected and in
other things besides. When a slave salutes a master and a friend salutes a
friend, the form is the same in either case, but there is a world of difference
between the two, which enables the detached observer to recognize the slave and
the friend at once.

\par There was much discussion among ourselves when the ultimatum was
forwarded. Would not the demand for reply within a stated period be considered
impudent? Might it not be that it would stiffen the Government and lead them to
reject our terms which otherwise they might have accepted? Would it not be
sufficient indirectly to announce the community's decision to the Government?
After giving due weight to all these considerations we unanimously came to the
conclusion that we must do what we thought to be right and proper for us to do.
We must run the risk of being charged with discourtesy, as well as the risk of
Government refusing in a huff what otherwise they might have granted. If we do
not admit our inferiority as human beings in any sense whatever and if we
believe that we possess the capacity for unlimited suffering for any length of
time, we must adopt a straightforward course without hesitation.

\par The reader will perhaps see that there was some novelty and distinction
about the step now taken, which had its reverberations in the Legislature and
in European circles outside. Some congratulated the Indians on their courage
while others got very angry, and asked for condign punishment to be awarded to
the Indians for their insolence. Either section acknowledged the novelty of the
Indians' fresh move by its conduct. This letter created greater stir than even
the commencement of the Satyagraha movement, which too was a novelty when it
was started. The reason is obvious. When Satyagraha was started, no one knew
what the Indians were capabie of, and therefore neither such a letter nor the
language in which it was couched would have been fitting for that initial
stage. But now the community had had its baptism of.fire. Every one had seen
that the Indians had the capacity of suffering the hardships incidental to an
attempt to get their wrongs righted, and therefore the language of the
``ultimatum'' appeared in the light of a growth and not at all inappropriate in
the circumstances.

\chapter{A Bonfire of Certificates}

\par The ultimatum was to expire on the same day that the new
Asiatic Bill was to be carried through the Legislature. A meeting had been
called some two hours after the expiry of the time limit to perform the public
ceremony of burning the certificates. The Satyagraha Committee thought that the
meeting would not be fruitless even if quite unexpectedly perhaps a favourable
reply was received from the Government, as in that case the meet ing could be
utilized for announcing the Government's favourable decision to the community.

\par The Committee however believed that the Government would not reply to the
ultimatum at all. We had all reached the place of meeting early, and arranged
fog the Government's reply by wire, if any, to be brought promptly to the
meeting, which was held at four o'clock on the grounds of the Hamidia Mosque at
Johannesburg (August 16, 1908). Every inch of space available was taken up by
Indians of all classes. The Negroes of South Africa take their meals in iron
cauldrons resting on four legs. One such cauldron of the largest size available
it the market had been requisitioned from an Indian trader's shop and set up on
a platform in a corner of the grounds in order to burn the certificates.

\par As the business of the meeting was about to commence, a volunteer arrived
on a cycle with a telegram from the government in which they regretted the
determination of the Indian community and announced their inability to change
their line of action. The telegram was read to the audience which received it
with cheers, as if they were glad that the auspicious opportunity of burning
the certificates did not after all slip out of their hands as it would have if
the Government had complied with the demands formulated in the ultimatum. It is
difficult to pronounce any categorical opinion on the propriety or the reverse
of such a feeling of gladness without a knowledge of the motives which prompted
each of the audience who greeted the Government reply with applause. This much
however can be said, that these cheers were a happy sign of the enthusiasm of
the meeting. The Indians had now some consciousness of their strength.

\par The meeting began. The chairman put the meeting on their guard and
explained the whole situation to them. Appropriate resolutions were adopted. I
clearly detailed the various stages of the protracted negotiations and said,
``If there is any Indian who has handed his certificate to be burnt but wants it
to be returned to him, let him step forward and have it. Merely burning the
certificates is no crime, and will not enable those who court imprisonment to
win it. By burning the certificates we only declare our solemn resolution never
to submit to the Black Act and divest ourselves of the power of even showing
the certificates. But it is open to any one to take a copy tomorrow of the
certificate that may be burned to ashes today, and if there are any persons
here who contemplate such a cowardly act or doubt their own ability to stand
the ordeal, there is still time for them to have their certificates back, and
these can be given back to them. No one need be ashamed of getting his
certificate back just now, as in doing so he will be exhibiting a certain kind
of courage. But it would be not only shameful but also detrimental to the best
interests of the community to get a copy of the certificate afterwards. Again
let us take note that this is going to be a protracted struggle. We know that
some of us have fallen out of the marching army, and the burden of those who
remain has been made heavier to that extent. I would advise you to ponder over
all these considerations and only then to take the plunge proposed today.''

\par Even during my speech there were voices saying, ``We do not want the
certificates back, burn them.'' Finally I suggested that if any one wanted to
oppose the resolution, he should come forward, but no one stood up. Mir Alam
too was present at this meeting. He announced that he had done wrong to assault
me as he did, and to the great joy of the audience, handed his original
certificate to be burnt, as he had not taken a voluntary certificate. I took
hold of his hand, pressed it with joy, and assured him once more that I had
never harboured in my mind any resentment against him.

\par The Committee had already received upwards of 2,000 certificates
to be burnt. These were all thrown into the cauldron, saturated with paraffin
and set ablaze by Mr Yusuf Mian. The whole assembly rose to their feet and made
the place resound with the echoes of their continuous cheers during the burning
process. Some of those who had still withheld their certificates brought them
in numbers to the platform, and these too were consigned to the flames. When
asked why he handed his certificate only at the last moment, one of these
friends said that he did so as it was more appropriate and would create a
greater impression on the onlookers. Another frankly admitted his want of
courage and a feeling that the certificates might not be burnt after all. But
he could not possibly withhold the cerificate after he had seen the bonfire and
gave it up, from an idea that the fate of all might well be his own fate too.
Such frankness was a matter of frequent experience during the struggle.

\par The reporters of English newspapers present at the meeting were
profoundly impressed with the whole scene and gave graphic descriptions of the
meeting in their papers. A description of the meeting was sent to The Daily
Mail (London) by its Johannesburg correspondent, in course of which he compared
the act of the Indians in burning their certificates with that of the Boston
Tea Party. I do not think this comparison did more than justice to the Indians,
seeing that if the whole might of the British Empire was ranged against the
hundreds of thousands of able Europeans in America, here in South Africa a
helpless body of 13,000 Indians had challenged the powerful Government of the
Transvaal. The Indians' only weapon was a faith in the righteousness of their
own cause and in God. There is no doubt that this weapon is all-sufficient and
all-powerful for the devout, but so long as that is not the view of the man in
the street, 13,000 unarmed Indians might appear insignificant before the
well-armed Europeans of America. As God is the strength of the weak, it is as
well that the world despises them.

\chapter{Charge of forcing fresh issue}

\par During the same year in which the Black Act was passed General Smuts
carried through the Legislature another bill called the Transvaal Immigrants
Restriction Bill (Act 15 of 1907), which was ostensibly of general application
but was chiefly aimed at the Indians. This Act generally followed the lines of
similar legislation in Natal, but it treated as prohibited immigrants those who
could pass education tests but were ineligible for registration under the
Asiatic Act, and was thus indirectly made an instrument for preventing the
entry of a single Indian newcomer.

\par It was absolutely essential for the Indians to resist this fresh inroad on
their rights, but the question was whether it should be made a plank in the
Satyagraha struggle. The community was not bound as to when and regarding what
subjects they should offer Satyagraha, in deciding which question they must
only not transgress the limits prescribed by wisdom and appreciation of their
own capacity. Satyagraha offered on every occasion seasonable or otherwise
would be corrupted into Duragraha. And if any one takes to Satyagraha without
having measured his own strength, and afterwards sustains a defeat, he not only
disgraces himself but he also brings the matchless weapon of Satyagraha into
disrepute by his folly.

\par The Satyagraha Committee saw that the Indians' Satyagraha was being offered
only against the Black Act, and that if the Black Act was once repealed, the
Immigration Restriction Act would lose the sting to which I have referred.
Still if the Indians did not take any steps regarding the Immigration Act from
an idea that a separate movement against it was unnecessary, their silence
might be misconstrued as implying their consent to the total prohibition of
Indian immigration in the future. The Immigration Act too must therefore be
opposed, and the only question was: Should this also be included in the
Satyagraha struggle? The community's view was that it was their duty to include
in the Satyagraha any fresh attacks on their rights made while the struggle was
in progress. If they did not feel strong enough to do so that was altogether a
different matter. The leaders came to the conclusion that their lack or
deficiency of strength should not be made a pretext for letting the Immigration
Act alone, and that therefore this Act too must be covered by the Satyagraha
struggle.

\par Correspondence was therefore carried on with the Government on
this subject. We could not thereby induce General Smuts to agree to a change in
the law, but it provided him with a fresh handle for vilifying the community
and really speaking myself. General Smuts knew that many more Europeans,
besides those who were publicly helping us, were privately sympathetic to our
movement, and he naturally wished that their sympathy should be alienated if
possible. He therefore charged me with raising a fresh point, and he told as
well as wrote to our supporters that they did not know me as he did. If he
yielded an inch, I would ask for an ell and therefore it was that he was not
repealing the Asiatic Act. When Satyagraha was started, there was no question
whatever about fresh immigrants. Now when he was legislating to prevent the
fresh entry of any more Indians in the interest of the Transvaal, there too I
had threatened Satyagraha. He could not any more put up with this ``cunning.'' I
might do my worst, and every Indian might be ruined, but he would not repeal
the Asiatic Act, nor would the Transvaal Government give up the policy they had
adopted regarding the Indians, and in this just attitude they were entitled to
the support of all Europeans.

\par A little reflection will show how totally unjust and immoral
this argument was. When there was nothing like the Immigrants Restriction Act
at all in existence, how were the Indians or myself to oppose it? General Smuts
talked glibly about his experience of what he called my ``cunning'' and yet he
could not cite a single case in point in support of his statement. And I do not
remember to have ever resorted to cunning during all those years that I lived
in South Africa. I may now go even farther and say without the least hesitation
that I have never had recourse to cunning in all my life. I believe that
cunning is not only morally wrong but also politically inexpedient, and have
therefore always discountenanced its use even from the practical standpoint. It
is hardly necessary for me to defend myself. I would even be ashamed of
defending myself before the class of readers for whom this is written. If even
now they have not seen that I am free from cunning, nothing that I could write
in self-defence could convince them of that fact. I have penned these few
sentences only with a view to give the reader an idea of the difficulties which
were encountered during the Satyagraha struggle and of the imminent danger to
the movement if the Indians even by a hair's breadth swerved from the strait
and narrow path. The ropedancer, balancing himself upon a rope suspended at a
height of twenty feet, must concentrate his attention upon the rope, and the
least little error in so doing means death for him, no matter on which side he
falls. My eight years' experience of Satyagraha in South Africa has taught me
that a Satyagrahi has to be if possible even more single-minded than the
rope-dancer. The friends before whom General Smuts levelled this charge at me
knew me well, and therefore the charge had an effect over them just the
opposite of what General Smuts had desired. They not only did not give me up or
the movement but grew even more zealous in supporting us, and the Indians saw
later on that they would have come in for no end of trouble if their Satyagraha
had not been extended to the Immigration Act also.

\par My experience has taught me that a law of progression applies to
every righteous struggle. But in the case of Satyagraha the law amounts to an
axiom. As the Ganga advances, other streams flow into it, and hence at the
mouth it grows so wide that neither bank is to be seen and a person sailing
upon the river cannot make out where the river ends and the sea begins. So also
as a Satyagraha struggle progresses onward, many another element helps to swell
its current, and there is a constant growth in the results to which it leads.
This is really inevitable, and is bound up with the first principles of
Satyagraha. For in Satyagraha the minimum is also the maximum, and as it is the
irreducible minimum, there is no question of retreat, and the only movement
possible is an advance. In other struggles, even when they are righteous, the
demand is first pitched a little higher so as to admit of future reduction, and
hence the law of progression does not apply to all of them without exception.
But I must explain how the law of progression comes into play when the minimum
is also the maximum as in Satyagraha. The Ganga does not leave its course in
search of tributaries. Even so does the Satyagrahi not leave his path which is
sharp as the sword's edge. But as the tributaries spontaneously join the Ganga
as it advances, so it is with the river that is Satyagraha. Seeing that the
Immigration Act was included in the Satyagraha, some Indians ignorant of the
principles of Satyagraha insisted upon the whole mass of the anti-Indian
legislation in the Transvaal being similarly treated. Others again suggested a
mobilization of Indians all over South Africa and the offering of Satyagraha
against all anti-Indian legislation in Natal, the Cape Colony, the Orange Free
State etc., while the Transvaal struggle was on. Both the suggestions involved
a breach of principle. I distinctly said, that it would be dishonest now,
having seen the opportunity, to take up a position which was not in view when
Satyagraha was started. No matter how strong we were, the present struggle must
close when the demands for which it was commenced were accepted.

I am confident, that if we had not aducied to this principle, instead of
winning, we would not only have lost all along the line, but also forfeited the
sympathy which had been enlisted in our favour. On the other hand if the
adversary himself creates new difficulties for us while the struggle is in
progress, they become automatically included in it. A Satyagrahi, without being
false to his faith, cannot disregard new difficulties which confront him while
he is pursuing his own course. The adversary is not a Satyagrahi, Satyagraha
against Satyagraha is impossible, and is not bound by any limit of maximum or
minimum. He can therefore try if he wishes to frighten the Satyagrahi by
raising novel issues. But the Satyagrahi has renounced all fear, tackles by
Satyagraha the later difficulties as well as the former and trusts that it will
help him to hold his own against all odds. Therefore as a Satyagraha struggle
is prolonged, that is to say by the adversary, it is the adversary who stands
to lose from his own standpoint, and it is the Satyagrahi who stands to gain.
We shall come across other illustrations of the working of this law in the
later stages of this struggle.

\chapter{Sorabji Shapurji Adajania}

\par Now as Satyagraha was made to embrace the Immigration Act as
well, Satyagrahis had to test the right of educated Indians to enter the
Transvaal. The Committee decided that the test should not be made through any
ordinary Indian. The idea was that some Indian, who did not come within the
four corners of the definition of a prohibited immigrant in the new Act in so
far as the definition was acceptable to the community, should enter the
Transvaal and go to jail. We had thus to show that Satyagraha is a force
containing within itself seeds of progressive self-restraint. There was a
section in the Act to the effect that any person who was not conversant with a
European language should be treated as a prohibited immigrant. The Committee
therefore proposed that some Indian who knew English but who had not been to
the Transvaal before should enter the country. Several your Indians volunteered
for the purpose, out of whom Sorabji Shapurji Adajania was selected.

\par Sorabji was a Parsi. There were not perhaps more than a hundred
Parsis in the whole of South Africa. I held in South Africa the same views
about the Parsis as I have expressed in India. There are not more than a
hundred thousand Parsis in the world, and this alone speaks volumes for their
high character that such a small community has long preserved its prestige,
clung to its religion and proved itself second to none in the world in point of
charity. But Sorabji turned out to be pure gold. I was but slightly acquainted
with him when he joined the struggle. His letters as regards participation in
Satyagraha left a good impression on me. As I am a lover of the great qualities
of the Parsis, I was not and I am not unaware of some of their defects as a
community. I was therefore doubtful whether Sorabji would be able to stand to
his guns in critical times. But it was a rule with me not to attach any weight
to my own doubts where the party cerned himself asserted the contrary. I
therefore recomended to the Committee that they should take Sorabji at his
word, and eventually Sorabji proved himself to a first class Satyagrahi. He not
only was one of the Satyagrahis who suffered the longest terms of imprisonment,
but also made such deep study of the struggle that his views commanded
respectful hearing from all. His advise always betrayed firmness, wisdom,
charity and deliberation. He was slow to form an opinion as well as to change
an opinion once formed. He was as much of an Indian as of a Parsi, and was
quite free from the ban of narrow communalism. After the struggle was over
Doctor Mehta offered a scholarship in order to enable some good Satyagrahi to
proceed to England for bar. I was charged with the selection. There were two or
three deserving candidates, but all the friends felt that there was none who
could approach Sorabji in maturity of judgment and ripenes of wisdom, and he
was selected accordingly. The idea was that on his return to South Africa he
should take my place and serve the community. Sorabji went to England with the
blessings of the community, and was duly called to the bar. He had already come
in contact with Gokhale in South Africa, and his relations with him became
closer in England. Sorabji captivated Gokhale who asked him to join the
Servants of India Society when he returned to India. Sorabji became extremely
popular among the students. He would share the sorrows of all, and his soul was
not tarnished by the luxury and the artificiality in England. When he went to
England, he was above thirty, and he had only a working knowledge of English.
But difficulties vanish at the touch of man's perseverance. Sorabji lived the
pure life of a student and passed his examinations. The bar examinations in my
time were easy. Barristers now-a-days have to study comparatively very much
harder. But Sorabji knew not what it was to be defeated. When the ambulance
corps was established in England, he was one of the pioneers as also one of
those who remained in it till the last. This corps too had to offer Satyagraha
in which many members fell back but Sorabji was at the head of those who would
not give in. Let me state in passing that this Satyagraha of the ambulance
corps was also crowned with victory.

\par After being called to the bar in England Sorabji returned to
Johannesburg where he began to practice law as well as to serve the community.
Every letter I received from South Africa was full of praise for Sorabji: ``He
is as simple in habits as ever, and free from the slightest trace of vanity. He
mixes with all, rich as well as poor.'' But God seems to be as cruel as he is
merciful. Sorabji caught galloping phthisis and died in a few months, leaving
the Indians whose love he had freshly acquired to mourn his loss. Thus within a
very short period God bereft the community of two outstanding personalities,
Kachhalia and Sorabji. If I were asked to choose between the two, I would be at
a loss to decide. In fact, each was supreme in his own field. And Sorabji was
as good an Indian as he was a good Parsi, even as Kachhalia was as good an
Indian as he was a good Musulman.

\par Thus Sorabji entered the Transvaal, having previously informed
the Government of his intention to test his right to remain in the country
under the Immigrants Restriction Act. The Government were not at all prepared
for this and could not at once decide what to do with Sorabji, who publicly
crossed the border and entered the country. The Immigration Restriction Officer
knew him. Sorabji told him that he was deliberately entering the Transvaal for
a test case, and asked him to examine him in English or to arrest him just as
he pleased. The Officer replied that there was no question of examining him as
he was aware of his knowledge of English. He had no orders to arrest him.
Sorabji might enter the country and the Government, if they wished, would
arrest him where he went.

\par Thus contrary to our expectation Sorabji reached Johannesburg and we
welcomed him in our midst. No one had hoped that the Government would permit
him to proceed even an inch beyond the frontier station of Volksrust. Very
often it so happens that when we take our steps deliberately and fearlessly,
the government is not ready to oppose us. The reason for this lies in the very
nature of government. A government officer does not ordinarily make his
department so much his own as to arrange his ideas on every subject beforehand
and make preparations accordingly. Again, the officer has not one but many
things to attend to, and his mind is divided between them. Thirdly, the
official suffers from the intoxication of power, is thus apt to be careless and
believes that it is child's play for the authorities to deal with any movement
whatever. On the other hand, the public worker knows his ideal as well as the
means to achieve his end, and if he has definite plans, he is perfectly ready
to carry them out, and his work is the only subject of his thoughts day and
night. If therefore he takes the right steps with decision, he is always in
advance of the government. Many movements fail, not because governments are
endowed with extraordinary power but because the leaders are lacking to the
qualities just referred to.

\par In short, whether through the negligence or the set design of the
Government Sorabji reached as far as Johannesburg, and the local officer had
neither any idea of his duty in a case like this nor any instructions from his
superiors on the point. Sorabji's arrival increased our enthusiasm, and some
young men thought that the Government were defeated and would soon come to
terms. They saw their mistake very soon, however. They even realized that a
settlement could perhaps be purchased only by the self-devotion of many a young
man.

\par Sorabji informed the Police Superintendent, Johannesburg, about
his arrival and let him know that he believed himself entitled to remain in the
Transvaal in terms of the new Immigration Act, as he had ordinary knowledge of
English, in respect of which he was ready to submit to an examination by the
officer if he so desired. No reply to this letter was received, or rather the
reply came after some days in the form of a summons.

\par Sorabji's case came before the Court on July 8, 1908. The court house was
packed full of Indian spectators. Before the case began, we held a meeting of
the Indians present on the grounds of the Court and Sorabji made a fighting
speech, in which he announced his readiness to go to jail as often as necessary
for victory and to brave all dangers and risks. In the meanwhile, I had got
fairly familiar with Sorabji and assured myself that he would do credit to the
community. The Magistrate took up the case in due course. I defended Sorabji,
and at once asked for his discharge on the ground of the summons being
defective. The public Prosecutor also made an argument, but on the 9th the
Court upheld my contention and discharged Sorabji who, however, immediately
received warning to appear before the Court the next day, Friday, July 10,
1908.

\par On the 10th, the Magistrate ordered Sorabji to leave the
Transvaal within seven davs. After the Court's order was served upon him,
Sorabji informed Superintendent J. A. G. Vernon that it was not his desire to
leave. He was accordingly brought to the Court once more, on the 20th, charged
with failing to obey the Magistrate's order, and sentenced to a month's
imprisonment with hard labour. The Government, however, did not arrest the
local Indians as they saw that the more arrests there were the higher did the
Indians' spirit rise. Again Indians were sometimes discharged thanks to legal
technicalities in the cases instituted against them and this also served to
redouble the ardour of the community. Government had carried through the
Legislature all the laws they wanted. Many Indians had indeed burnt the
certificates but they had proved their right to remain in the country by their
registration. Government therefore saw no sense in prosecuting them simply to
send them to jail, and thought that the workers would cool down finding no
outlet for their energies in view of the masterly inactivity of the Government.
But they were reckoning without their host. The Indians took fresh steps to
test the Government's patience, which was soon exhausted.

\chapter[Sheth Daud Mahomed enter the Struggle]{Sheth Daud Mahomed\\enter the Struggle}

\par When the Indians saw through the Government's game of tiring
them out by fabian tactics they felt bound to take further steps. A Satyagrahi
is never tired so long as he has the capacity to suffer. The Indians were
therefore in a position to upset the calculations of the Government.

\par There were several Indians in Natal who possessed ancient rights
of domicile in the Transvaal. They had no need to enter the Transvaal for
trade, but the community held that they had the right of entry. They also had
some knowledge of English. Again there was no breach of the principles of
Satyagraha in educated Indians like Sorabji entering the Transvaal. We
therefore decided that two classes of Indians should enter the Transvaal;
first, those who had previously been domiciled in the country, and secondly,
those who had received English education.

\par Of these Sheth Daud Mahomed and Parsi Rustomji were big traders,
and Surendra Medh, Pragji Khandubhai Desai, Ratansi Mulji Sodha, Harilal Gandhi
and others were ``educated'' men. Daud Sheth came in spite of his wife being
dangerously ill.

\par Let me introduce Sheth Daud Mahomed to the reader. He was
president of the Natal Indian Congress, and one of the oldest Indian traders
that came to South Africa. He was a Sunni Vora from Surat. I have seen but few
Indians in South Africa who equalled him in tact. He had excellent powers of
understanding. He had not had much literary education but he spoke English and
Dutch well. He was skilful in his business intercourse with European traders.
His liberality was widely known. About fifty guests would dine with him every
day. He was one of the chief contributors to Indian collections. He had the
priceless jewel of a son who far surpassed him in character. The boy's heart
was pure as crystal. Daud Sheth never came in the way of his son's aspirations.
Indeed it would be no exaggeration to say, that the father almost worshipped
the son. He wished that none of his own defects should reappear in the boy and
had sent him to England for education. But Daud Sheth lost this treasure of a
son in his prime. Phthisis claimed Husen for its victim. This was a sore wound
that never healed. With Husen died the high hopes which the Indians had
cherished about him. He was a most truthful lad, and Hindu and Musulman were to
him as the left and the right eye. Even Daud Sheth is now no more with us. Who
is there upon whom Death does not lay his hands?

\par I have already introduced Parsi Rustomji to the reader. The names of
several other friends who joined this ``Asiatic invasion'' have been left out as
I am writing this without consulting any papers, and I hope they will excuse me
for it. I am not writing these chapters to immortalize names but to explain the
secret of Satyagraha, and to show how it succeeded, what obstacles beset its
path and how they were removed. Even where I have mentioned names I have done
so in order to point out to the reader how men who might be considered
illiterate distinguished themselves in South Africa, how Hindus, Musulmans,
Parsis and Christians there worked harmoniously together and how traders,
``educated'' men and others fulfilled their duty. Where a man of high merit has
been mentioned, praise has been bestowed not upon him but only upon his merit.

\par When Daud Sheth thus arrived on the frontiers of the Transvaal
with his Satyagrahi ``army,'' the Government was ready to meet him. The
Government would become an object of ridicule if it allowed such a large troop
to enter the Transvaal, and was therefore bound to arrest them. So they were
arrested, and on August 18, 1908 brought before. the Magistrate who ordered
them to leave the Transvaal within seven days. They disobeyed the order of
course, were rearrested at Pretoria on the 28th and deported without trial.
They re-entered the Transvaal on the 31st and finally on September 8 were
sentenced at Volksrust to a fine of fifty pounds or three months' imprisonment
with hard labour. Needless to say, they cheerfully elected to go to gaol.

\par The Transvaal Indians were now in high spirits. If they could
not compel the release of their Natal compatriots, they must certainly share
their imprisonment. They therefore cast about for means which would land them
in jail. There were several ways in which they could have their heart's desire.
If a domiciled Indian did not show his registration certificate, he would not
be given a trading licence and it would be an offence on his part if he traded
without licence. Again one must show the certificate if one wanted to enter the
Transvaal from Natal, and would be arrested if one had none to show. The
certificates had already been burnt and the line was therefore clear. The
Indians employed both these methods. Some began to hawk without a licence while
others were arrested for not showing certificates upon entering the Transvaal.

\par The movement was now in full swing. Every one was on his trial. Other
Natal Indians followed Sheth Daud Mahomed's example. There were many arrests in
Johannesburg also. Things came to such a pass that any one who wished could get
himself arrested. Jails began to be filled, ``invaders'' from Natal getting three
months and the Transvaal hawkers anything from four days to three months.

\par Among those who thus courted arrest was our ``Imam Saheb,'' Imam Abdul Kadar
Bavazir, who was arrested for hawking without a licence and sentenced on July
21, 1908 to imprisonment for four days with hard labour. Imam Saheb's health
was so delicate that people laughed when they heard of his courting arrest.
Some people came to me and asked me not to take Imam Saheb for fear he might
bring discredit upon the community. I disregarded this warning. It was none of
my business to gauge the strength or weakness of Imam Saheb. Imam Saheb never
walked barefooted, was fond of the good things of the earth, had a Malay wife,
kept a well-furnished house and went about in a horse carriage. Very true, but
who could read the depths of his mind? After he was released, Imam Saheb went
to jail again, lived there as an ideal prisoner and took his meals after a
spell of hard labour. At home he would have new dishes and delicacies every
day; in jail he took mealie pap and thanked God for it. Not only was he not
defeated, but he became simple in habits. As a prisoner he broke stones, worked
as a sweeper and stood in a line with other prisoners. At Phoenix he fetched
water and even set types in the press. Every one at the Phoenix Ashram was
bound to acquire the art of type-setting. Imam Saheb learnt type-setting to the
best of his ability. Nowadays he is doing his bit in India.

\par But there were many such who experienced self-purification in jail.

\par Joseph Royeppen, barrister-at-law, a graduate of Cambridge University had
been born in Natal of parents who were indentured labourers, but had fully
adopted the European style of living. He would not go barefooted even in his
house, unlike Imam Saheb who must wash his feet before prayers and must also
pray barefooted. Royeppen left his law books, took up a basket of vegetables
and was arrested as an unlicensed hawker. He too suffered imprisonment. ``But
should I travel third class?'' asked Royeppen. ``If you travel first or second
how can I ask any of the rest to travel third? Who in jail is going to
recognize the barrister in you?'' I replied, and that was enough to satisfy
Royeppen.

\par Many lads sixteen years old went to jail. One Mohanlal Manji
Ghelani was only fourteen.

\par The jail authorities left no stone unturned to harass the Indians, who were
given scavenger's work, but they did it with a smile on their face. They were
asked to break stones, and they broke stones with the name of Allah orRama on
their lips. They were made to dig tanks and put upon pick-axe work in stony
ground. Their hands became hardened with the work. Some of them even fainted
under unbearable hardships, but they did not know what it was to be beaten.

\par One must not suppose, that there were no internal jealousies or
quarrels in jail. Food constitutes the eternal apple of discord, but
we successfully avoided bickerings even over food.

\par I too was arrested again. At one time there were as many as
seventy-five Indian prisoners in Volksrust jail. We cooked our own food. I
became the cook as only I could adjudicate on the conflicting claims to the
ration supplied. Thanks to their love for me my companions took without a
murmur the half-cooked porridge I prepared without sugar.

\par Government thought that if they separated me from the other
prisoners it might perhaps chasten me as well as the others. They therefore
took me to Pretoria jail where I was confined in a solitary cell reserved for
dangerous prisoners. I was taken out only twice a day for exercise. In Pretoria
jail no ghi was provided to the Indians, unlike as in Volksrust. But I do not
propose here to deal with our hardships in jail, for which the curious may
turn. to the account of my experiences of jail life in South Africa.

\par But yet the Indians would not take a defeat. Government was in a
quandary. How many Indians could be sent to jail after all? And then it meant
additional expenditure. The Government began to cast about for other means of
dealing with the situation.

\chapter{Deportations}

\par The obnoxious Acts provided for three kinds of punishment, viz., fine,
imprisonment and deportation. The Courts were empowered simultaneously to award
all the punishments, and all magistrates were given jurisdiction to impose the
maximum penalties. At first deportation meant taking the ``culprit'' into the
limits of Natal, the Orange Free State or Portuguese East Africa beyond the
Transvaal frontier and leaving him there. As for instance the Indians who
crossed over from Natal were taken beyond the limits of Volksrust station and
there left to their own devices. Deportation of this kind was a farce pure and
simple, as it involved only a little inconvenience, and instead of
disheartening them it only encouraged the Indians still further.

\par The local Government therefore had to find out fresh means of
harassing the Indians. The jails were already overcrowded. The Government
thought that the Indians would be thoroughly demoralized and would surrender at
discretion if they could be deported to India. There was some ground for this
belief of the Government who accordingly sent a large batch of Indians to
India. These deportees suffered great hardships. They had nothing to eat except
what Government chose to provide for them on the steamers, and all of them were
sent as deck passengers. Again some of them had their landed as well as other
property and their business in South Africa, many had their families there,
while others were also in debt. Not many men would be ready to lose their all
and turn into perfect bankrupts.

\par All this notwithstanding, many Indians remained perfectly firm.
Many more however weakened and ceased to court arrest, although they
did not weaken to the extent of getting duplicates of the burnt
certificates. Some few were even terrorized into registering afresh.

\par Still there was a considerable number of stalwarts who were so brave that
some of them, I believe, would have mounted the gallows with a smile on their
face. And if they cared little for life, they cared still less for property.

\par But many of those who were deported to India were poor and
simple folk who had joined the movement from mere faith. That hese should be
oppressed so heavily was almost too much to bear. However it was difficult to
see our way to assist them. Our funds were meagre, and then there was the
danger of losing the fight altogether if we proceeded to give monetary help.
Not a single person was permitted to join the movement from pecuniary
inducement; for otherwise the movement would have been choked up by men coming
in on the strength of such selfish hopes. We felt it was incumbent upon us,
however, to help the deportees with our sympathies.

\par I have seen from experience that money cannot as far as
fellowfeeling, kind words and kind looks can. If a man, who is eager to get
riches gets the riches from another but without sympathy, he will give him up
in the long run. On the other hand, one who has been conquered by love is ready
to encounter no end of difficulties with him who has given him his love.

\par We therefore resolved to do for the deportees all that kindness
could do. We comforted them with the promise that proper arrangements would be
made for them in India. The reader must remember that many of them were
ex-indentured labourers, and had no relations in India. Some were even born in
South Africa, and to all India was something like a strange land. It would be
sheer cruelty if these helpless people upon being landed in India were left to
shift for themselves. We therefore assured they that all suitable arrangements
would be made for them in India.

\par But this was not enough. The deportees could not comforted so
long as some one was not sent with them to be their companion and guide. This
was the first batch of deportees, and their steamer was to start in a few
hours. There was not much time for making a selection. I thought of P. K.
Naidoo, one of my co-workers, and asked him:

\par ``Will you escort these poor brothers to India?''

\par ``Why not?''

\par ``But the steamer is starting just now.''

\par ``Let it''

\par ``What about your clothes? And food?''

\par ``As for clothes, the suit I have on will suffice, and I will get
the food from the steamer all right.''

\par This was a most agreeable surprise for me. The conversation took
place at Parsi Rustomji's. There and then I procured some clothes
and blankets for Naidoo and sent him on.

\par ``Take care and look after these brothers on the way. See first
to their comforts and then to your own. I am cabling to Shri Natesan
at Madras, and you must follow his instructions.''

\par ``I will try to prove myself a true soldier.'' So saying P. K. Naidoo left
for the pier. Victory must be certain with such valiant fighters, I said to
myself. Naidoo was born in South Africa and had never been to India before. I
gave him a letter of recommendation to Shri Natesan and also sent a cablegram.

\par In those days Shri Natesan perhaps stood alone in India as a student of the
grievances of Indians abroad, their valued helper, and a systematic and
well-informed exponent of their case. I had regular correspondence with him.
When the deportees reached Madras, Shri Natesan rendered them full assistance.
He found his task easier for the presence of an able man like Naidoo among the
deportees. He made local collections and did not allow the deportees to feel
for a moment that they had been deported.

\par These deportations by the Transvaal Government were as illegal
as they were cruel. People are generally unaware that governments often
deliberately violate their own laws. In face of emergency there is no time for
undertaking fresh legislation. Governments therefore break the laws and do what
they please. Afterwards they either enact new laws or else make the people
forget their breach of the law.

\par The Indians started a powerful agitation against this
lawlessness of the local Government, which was adversely commented upon in
India too so that the Government every day found it more and more difficult to
deport poor Indians. The Indians took all possible legal steps and successfully
appealed against the deportations, with the result that Government had to stop
the practice of deporting to India.

\par But the policy of deportations was not without its effect upon
the Satyagrahi ``army.'' Not all could overcome the fear of being deported to
India. Many more fell away, and only the real fighters remained.

\par This was not the only step taken by the Government to break the
spirit of the community. As I have stated in the last chapter, Government had
done their utmost to harass the Satyagrahi prisoners, who were put to all
manner of tasks including breaking stones. But that was not all. At first all
prisoners were kept together. Now the Government adopted the policy of
separating them, and accorded harsh treatment to them in every jail. Winter in
the Transvaal is very severe; the cold is so bitter, that one's hands are
almost frozen while working in the morning. Winter therefore was a hard time
for the prisoners, some of whom were kept in a road camp where no one could
even go and see them. One of these prisoners was a young Satyagrahi eighteen
years old of the name of Swami Nagappan, who observed the jail rules and did
the task entrusted to him. Early in the morning he was taken to work on the
roads where he contracted double pneumonia of which he died after he was
released (July 7, 1909). Nagappan's companions say that he thought of the
struggle and struggle alone till he breathed his last. He never repented of
going to jail and embraced death for his country's sake as he would embrace a
friend. Nagappan was ``illiterate'' according to our standards. He spoke English
and Zulu from experience. Perhaps he also wrote broken English, but he was by
no means an educated man. Still if we consider his fortitude, his patience,
his patriotism, his firmness unto death, there is nothing left which we might
desire him to possess. The Satyagraha movement went on successfully though it
was not joined by any highly educated men, but where would it have been without
soldiers like Nagappan?

\par As Nagappan died of ill-treatment in jail, the hardships of
deportation proved to be the death of Narayanaswami (October 16, 1910). Still
the community stood unmoved; only weaklings slipped away. But even the
weaklings had done their best. Let us not despise them. Those who march forward
are generally apt to look down upon those who fall back and to consider
themselves very brave fellows, whereas often the facts are just the reverse. If
a man who can afford to contribute fifty rupees subscribes only twentyfive and
if he who can afford to pay only five rupees contributes that amount in full,
he who gives five must be held to be a more generous donor than the other who
gives five times as much. Yet very often he who contributes twenty-five is
needlessly elated at the false notion of his superiority over the contributor
of five rupees. In the same way, if a man who falls back through weakness has
done his utmost, he is really superior to another who leaves him behind but has
not put his whole soul into the march. Therefore even those, who slipped away
when they found things too hot for them, did render service to the community. A
time now came when greater calls were made on our patience and courage. But the
Transvaal Indians were not found wanting even so. The stalwarts who held to
their posts were equal to the service required of them.

\par Thus day by day the trial grew more and more severe for the
Indians. Government became more and more violent in proportion to the strength
put forth by the community. There are always special prisons where dangerous
prisoners or prisoners whom Government wants to bend are kept, and so there
were in the Transvaal. One of these was the Diepkloof Convict Prison, where
there was a harsh jailer, and where the labour exacted from prisoners was also
hard. And yet there were Indians who successfully performed their allotted
task. But though they were prepared to work, they would not put up with the
insult offered to them by the jailer and therefore went on hunger strike. They
solemnly declared that they would take no food until either the jailer was
removed from the prison, or else they themselves were transferred to another
prison. This was a perfectly legitimate strike. The strikers were quite honest
and not likely to take food secretly. The reader must remember that there was
not much room in the Transvaal for such public agitation as a case of this
nature would evoke in India. Again jail regulations in the Transvaal were
particularly drastic. Outsiders did not seek interviews with prisoners even on
occasions of this nature. A Satyagrahi, when once he found himself in jail, had
generally to shift for himself. The struggle was on behalf of the poor and was
conducted as a poor men's movement. And therefore the vow which these strikers
took was fraught with great risk. However, they were firm and succeeded in
getting themselves transferred to another prison after a seven days' fast. As
hunger strikes were a rarity in those days, these Satyagrahis are entitled to
special credit as pioneers (November, 1910).

\chapter{A Second Deputation}

\par Thus the Satyagrahis were being imprisoned or deported. There
was sometimes a lull and then a storm, but both the parties had somewhat
weakened. The Government saw that they could not hope to subdue the Satyagrahi
stalwarts by sending them to jail, and the policy of deportations had only put
themselves in a false position. The Government also lost some cases which were
taken to the courts. The Indians on their part were not in a position to put
up a strong fight. There was not a sufficient number of Satyagrahis for the
purpose. Some Indians were war-weary, while others had become entirely
defeatist and therefore looked upon the staunch Satyagrahis as so many fools.
The ``fools'' however knew themselves to be wise and had full faith in God, in
their cause and in the righteousness of the means they had selected to promote
it. They were confident that great is Truth and it shall prevail in the end.

\par Meanwhile, there was continuous movement in South African
politics. The Boers and the British were anxious to secure a higher status by
effecting a union of the various Colonies in the subcontinent. General Hertzog
stood for a total breach of the British connection while others preferred to
keep up a nominal association with the British Empire. Englishmen would never
agree to a total secession, and any higher status in view could only be
attained through the British Parliament. The Boers and the British in South
Africa therefore decided that a deputation should visit England on their behalf
and present their case before the British Cabinet.

\par The Indians observed that in case of a union of the Colonies
their last state would be worse than their first. All the Colonies were ever
desirous of suppressing the Indians, and it was clear in view of their
anti-Indian tendency that it would go very hard with the community when they
came closer together. In order that not a single avenue might remain
unexplored, the Indians resolved to send once again a deputation to England,
although there was every likclihood of their small voice being drowned in the
loud roar of British and Boer lions. On this occasion Sheth Haji Habib, a Memon
gentleman from Porbandar, was appointed as my colleague on the deputation. The
Sheth carried on a long established trade in the Transvaal and was a man of
wide experience. He had not received English education, yet he easily
understood English, Dutch, Zulu and other languages. His sympathies were with
the Satyagrahis but he could not be described as a full Satyagrahi himself. Mr
Merriman the famous veteran statesman of South Africa was our fellow passenger
on board S.S. Kenilworth Castle, which took us to England, leaving Cape Town on
June 23, 1909. He was going with a view to the unification of the Colonies.
General Smuts and others were already in England. A separate deputation of the
Indians in Natal also visited England about this time in connection with their
special grievances.

\par At this time Lord Crewe was Secretary of State for the Colonies
and Lord Morley Secretary of State for India. ``There were many discussions, and
we interviewed a large number of people. There was hardly a journalist or
member of either House whom it was possible to meet but whom we did not meet.
Lord Ampthill rendered us invaluable help. He used to meet Mr Merriman, General
Botha and others and at last he brought a message from the General. Said he:
``General Botha appreciates your feelings in the matter, and is willing to grant
you minor demands. But he is not ready to repeal the Asiatic Act or to amend
the Immigrants Restriction Act. He also refuses to remove the colour bar which
has been set up in the law of the land. To maintain the racial bar is a matter
of principle with the General and even if he felt like doing away with it the
South African Europeans would never listen to him. General Smuts is of the
same mind as General Botha, and this is their final decision and final offer.
If you ask for more you will only be inviting trouble for yourself as well as
for your people. Therefore whatever you do, do it after giving due
consideration to this attitude of the Boer leaders. General Botha has asked me
to tell you this and give you an idea of your responsibility.''

\par And after delivering the message Lord Ampthill said, ``You see
that General Botha concedes all your practical demands, and in this work-a-day
world we must always give and take. We cannot have everything that we desire. I
would therefore strongly advice you to close with this offer. If you wish to
fight for principle's sake, you may do so later on. You and the Sheth think
over this, and let me have your reply at your convenience.''

\par Upon hearing this I looked to Sheth Haji Habib, who said, ``Tell
him from me that I accept General Botha's offer on behalf of the conciliation
party. If he makes these concessions, we will be satisfied for the present and
later on struggle for principle. I do not like the community to suffer any
more. The party I represent constitutes the majority of the community, and it
also holds the major portion of the community's wealth.''

\par I translated the Sheth's sentences word by word, and then on behalf of the
Satyagrahis I said: ``We are both highly obliged to you for the trouble you have
taken. My colleague is right when he says that he represents a numerically and
financially stronger section. The Indians for whom I speak are comparatively
poor and inferior numbers, but they are resolute unto death. They are fighting
not only for practical relief but for principle as well. If they must give up
either of the two, they will jettison the former and fight for the latter. We
have an idea of General Botha's might, but we attach still greater weight to
our pledge, and therefore we are ready to face the worst in the act of abiding
by it. We will be patient in the confidence that if we stick to our solemn
resolution, God in Whose name we have made it will see to its fulfilment.

\par ``I can grasp your position fully. You have done much for us. We
will not take it ill if you now withhold your support from a handful of
Satyagrahis. Nor will we forget the debt of gratitude under which you have laid
us. But we trust that you will excuse us for our inability to accept your
advice. You may certainly tell General Botha how the Sheth and myself have
received his offer and inform him that the Satyagrahis though in a minority
will observe their pledge and hope in the end to soften his heart by their
self-suffering and to induce him to repeal Asiatic Act.''

\par Lord Ampthill replied:
\par ``You must not suppose that I will give you up. I too must play
the gentleman's part. Englishmen are not willing at once to relinquish any task
they have undertaken. Yours is a righteous struggle, and you are fighting with
clean weapons. How possibly can I give you up? But you can realize my delicate
position. The suffering, if any, must be borne by you alone, and therefore it
is my duty to advise you to accept any settlement possible in the
circumstances. But if you, who have to suffer, are prepared to under any amount
of suffering for principle's sake, I must only not come in your way but even
congratulate you. I will therefore continue as President of your Committee and
help you to the best of my ability. But you must remember her that I am but a
junior member of the House of Lords, and do not command much influence.
However, you may rest assured that what little influence I possess will be
continually exerted on your behalf.''

\par We were both pleased to hear these words of encouragement.

\par One delightful feature of this interview has perhaps not escaped the
reader. As I have already observed Sheth Haji Habib and myself held divergent
views, and yet there was such friendship and mutual confidence between us, that
the Sheth did not hesitate to communicate his difference of opinion through me.
He relied upon me to present his case to Lord Ampthill all right.

\par I will close this chapter with a not quite relevant Paragraph.
During my stay in England I had occasion to talk with many Indian anarchists.
My booklet Indian Home Rule written during my return voyage to South Africa on
board S.S. Kildonan Castle (November 1909) and punlished soon afterwards in
Indian Opinion had its birth from the necessity of having to meet their
arguments as well as to solve the difficulties of Indians in South Africa who
held similar views. I had also discussed the main points of the book with Lord
Ampthill in order that he might not feel for one moment that I had misused his
name and his help for my work in South Africa by pressing my views. This
discussion with Lord Ampthill has always remained imprinted on my memory. He
found time to meet me in spite of illness in his family, and although he did
not agree with my views as expressed in Hind Swaraj, he accorded his support to
our struggle tiII the last, and my relations with him were always cordial.

\chapter{Tolstoy Farm - I}

\par The deputation which now returned from England did not bring
good news. But I did not mind what conclusions the community would draw from
our conversations with Lord Ampthill. I knew who would stand by us till the
end. My ideas about Satyagraha had now matured and I had realized its
universality as well as its excellence. I was therefore perfectly at ease. Hind
Swaraj was written in order to demonstrate the sublimity of Satyagraha and that
book is a true measure of my faith in its efficacy. I was perfectly indifferent
to the numerical strength of the fighters on our side.

\par But I was not free from anxiety on the score of finance. It was indeed hard
to prosecute a long protracted struggle without funds. I did not realize then
as clearly as I do now that a struggle can be carried on without funds, that
money very often spoils a righteous fight and that God never gives a Satyagrahi
or mumukshu\footnote{Pilgrim bound for the eternal city. V. G. D.} anything
beyond his strict needs. But I had faith in God who did not even then desert me
but raised me from the slough of despondency. If on the one hand I had to tell
the Indians on our landing in South Africa that our mission had failed, on the
other hand God relieved me from the financial difficulty. As I set my foot in
Cape Town I received a cable from England that Mr (afterwards Sir) Ratanji
Jamshedji Tata had given Rs. 25,000 to the Satyagraha funds. This sum amply
sufficed for our immediate needs and we forged ahead.

\par But this or even the largest possible gift of money could not by
itself help forward a Satyagraha struggle, a fight on behalf of Truth
consisting chiefly in self-purification and self-reliance. A Satyagraha
struggle is impossible without capital in the shape of character. As a splendid
palace deserted by its inmates looks like a ruin, so does a man without
character, all his material belongings notwithstanding. The Satyagrahis now saw
that no one could tell how long the struggle would last. On the one hand there
were the Boer Generals determined not to yield even an inch of ground and on
the other there was a handful of Satyagrahis pledged to fight unto death or
victory. It was like a war between ants and the elephant who could crush
thousands of them under each of his feet. The Satyagrahis could not impose a
time limit upon their Satyagraha. Whether it lasted one year or many, it was
all the same to them. For them the struggle itself was victory. Fighting meant
imprisonment or deportation for them. But what about their families in the
meanwhile? No one would engage as an employee a man who was constantly going to
jail and when he was released, how was he to maintain himseff as well as those
dependent on him?  Where was he to lodge and where was his house rent to come
from? Even a Satyagrahi may be excused if he feels troubled at heart from want
of his daily bread. There cannot be many in the world who would fight the good
fight in spite of being compelled to condemn their nearest and dearest to the
same starvation which they suffered in their own person.

\par Till now the families of jail-going Satyagrahis were maintained
by a system of monthly allowances in cash according to their need. It would not
have done to grant an equal sum to all. A Satyagrahi who had a family of five
persons dependent upon him could not be placed on a par with another who was a
brahmachari without any family responsibilities. Nor was it possible to recruit
only brahmacharis for our ``army.'' The principle generally observed was, that
each family was asked to name the minimum amount adequate to their needs and
was paid accordingly on trust. There was considerable room here for fraud, of
which some rogues might not fail to take advantage. Others who were honest but
who were accustomed to live in a particular style naturally expected such help
as would enable them to keep it up. I saw that at this rate the movement could
not be conducted for any length of time. There was always the risk of injustice
being done to the deserving, and undue advantage being taken by the
unscrupulous. There was only one solution for this difficulty, namely, that all
the families should be kept at one place and should become members of a sort of
cooperative commonwealth. Thus there would be no scope for fraud, nor would
there be injustice to any. Public funds would be largely saved and the families
of Satyagrahis would be trained to live a new and simple life in harmony with
one another. Indians belonging to various provinces and professing divers
faiths would have an opportunity of living together.

\par But where was the place suitable for a settlement of this
nature? To live in a city would have been like straining at a gnat and
swallowing a camel. The house rent alone would perhaps amount to the same sum
as the food bill, and it would not be easy to live a simple life amidst the
varied distractions of a city. Again in a city it would be impossible to find a
place where many families could prosecute some useful industry in their own
homes. It was therefore clear that the place selected should be neither too far
from nor too near a city. There was of course Phoenix, where Indian Opinion was
being printed and where there was also some cultivation being carried on.
Phoenix was also convenient in many other ways, but it was three hundred miles
away from Johannesburg and to be reached by a journey of thirty hours. It was
therefore difficult and expensive to take the families such a distance and
bring them back again. Besides, the families would not be ready to leave their
homes for such a far off place, and even if they were ready it seemed
impossible to send them as well as the Satyagrahi prisoners on their release.

\par The place required then must be in the Transvaal and near Johannesburg. Mr
Kallenbach, whose acquaintance the reader has already made, bought a farm of
about 1,100 acres and gave the use of it to Satyagrahis free of any rent or
charge (May 30, 1910). Upon the farm there were nearly one thousand
fruit-bearing trees and a small house at the foot of a hill with accommodation
for half-a-dozen persons. Water was supplied from two wells as well as from a
spring. The nearest railway station, Lawley, was about a mile from the farm and
Johannesburg was twenty-one miles distant. We decided to build houses upon this
Farm and to invite the families of Satyagrahis to settle there.

\chapter{Tolstoy Farm - II}

\par Upon the Farm oranges, apricots and plums grew in such abundance that
during the season the Satyagrahis could have their fill of the fruit and yet
have a surplus.

\par The spring was about 500 yards away from our quarters, and the
water had to be fetched on carrying poles.

\par Here we insisted that we should not have any servants either for
the household work or as far as might be even for the farming and building
operations. Everything therefore from cooking to scavenging was done with our
own hands. As regards accommodation for families, we resolved from the first
that the men and women should be housed separately. The houses therefore were
to be built in two separate blocks, each at some distance from the other. For
the time it was considered sufficient to provide accommodation for ten women
and sixty men. Then again we had to erect a house for Mr Kallenbach and by its
side a school house, as well as a workshop for carpentry, shoemaking etc.

\par The settlers hailed from Gujarat, Tamilnad, Andhradesh and North
India, and there were Hinus, Musulmans, Parsis and Christians among
them. About forty of them were young men, two or three old men, five
women and twenty to thirty children of whom four or five were girls.

\par The Christian and other women were meat-eaters. Mr Kallenbach
and I thought it desirable to exclude meat from the Farm. But how could we ask
people, who had no scruples in the matter, who had been habituated to taking
meat since childhood and who were coming over here in their days of adversity,
to give up meat even temporarily?  But if they were given meat, would not that
swell our cost of living? Again should those who were accustomed to take beef
be given that too? How many separate kitchens must be run in that case? What
was my duty on this point? Having been instrumental in giving monetary help to
these families, I had already given my support to meat-eating as well as
beef-eating. If I made a rule that meat-eaters should not be helped, I would
have to prosecute the Satyagraha struggle through vegetarians only, which was
absurd as the movement had been organized on behalf of all classes of Indians.
I did not take long clearly to visualize my duty in these circumstances. If the
Christians and Musulmans asked even for beef, that too must be provided for
them. To refuse them admission to the Farm was absolutely out of the question.

\par But where love is, there God is also. The Musulman friends had already
granted me permission to have a purely vegetarian kitchen. I had now to
approach Christian sisters whose husbands or sons were in jail. I had often
come in such intimate contact with the Christian friends who were now in jail
and who had on similar occasions consented to having a vegtarian dietary. But
this was the first time that I had to deal at close quarters with their
families in their absence. I represented to the sisters the difficulty of
housing accommodation as well as of finance and my own deep-rooted sentiment in
the matter. At the same time I assured them that even beef would be provided
for them if they wanted it. The sisters kindly consented not to have meat, and
the cooking department was placed in their charge. I with or without another
man was detailed to assist them. My presence acted as a check upon petty
bickerings. The food was to be the simplest possible. The time as well as the
number of meals was fixed. There was to be one single kitchen, and all were to
dine in a single row. Every one was to see to the cleaning of his own dish and
other things. The common pots were to be cleaned by different parties in turn.
I must state that Satyagrahis lived on Tolstoy Farm for a long time, but
neither the women nor the men ever asked for meat. Drink, smoking etc. were of
course totally prohibited.

\par As I have already stated, we wanted to be self-reliant as far as possible
even in erecting buildings. Our architect was Mr Kallenbach of course, and he
got hold of a European mason. A Gujarati carpenter, Narayandas Damania,
volunteered his services free of charge and brought other carpenters to work at
reduced rates. As regards unskilled labour, the settlers worked with their own
hands. Some us who had supple limbs literally worked wonders. A fine Satyagrahi
of the name of Vihari did half of the carpenter's work. The lion-like Thambi
Naidoo was in charge of sanitation and marketing for which he had to go
Johannesburg.

\par One of the settlers was Pragji Khandubhai Desai who had never
been accustomed to discomfort all his life, but who had here to put up with
bitter cold, a hot sun and sharp rains. In the beginning we lived in tents for
about two months while the buildings were under construction. The structures
were all of corrugated iron and thereto did not take long to raise. The timber
too could be had ready made in all sizes required. All we had to do was cut it
to measure. There were not many doors or windows to be prepared. Hence it was
that quite a number of buildings could be erected within such a short space of
time. But all this labour was a heavy tax on Pragji's physical constitution.
The work on the Farm was certainly harder than in jail. One day Pragji actually
fainted thanks to fatigue and heat. But he was not the man to give in. He fully
trained up his body here, and in the end he stood abreast as a good worker with
the best of us.

\par Then there was Joseph Royeppen, a barrister free from barrister's pride. He
could not undertake very hard work. It was difficult for him to take down loads
from the railway train and to haul them on the cart, but he did it as best he
could.

\par The weak became strong on Tolstoy Farm and lab; proved to be a
tonic for all.

\par Every one had to go to Johannesburg on some errand or other.
Children liked to go there just for the fun of it. I also had to go there on
business. We therefore made a rule that we could go there by rail only on the
public business of our little commonwealth, and then too travel third class.
Any one who wanted to go on a pleasure trip must to go on foot, and carry
home-made provisions with him. No one might spend anything on his food in the
city. Had it not been for these drastic rules, the money saved by living in a
rural locality would have been wasted in railway fares and city picnics. The
provisions carried were of the simplest: home-baked bread made from coarse
wheat flour ground at home, from which the bran was not removed, groundnut
butter also prepared at home, and home-made marmalade. We had purchased an iron
hand-mill for grinding wheat. Groundnut butter was made roasting and then
grinding groundnuts, and was four times cheaper than ordinary butter. As for
the oranges, we had plenty of them on the Farm. We scarcely used cow's milk on
the Farm and generally managed with condensed milk.

\par But to return to the trips. Any one who wished to go to
Johannesburg went there on foot once or twice a week and returned the same day.
As I have already stated, it was journey of 21 miles and back. We saved
hundreds of rupees by this one rule of going on foot, and those who thus went
walking were much benefited. Some newly acquired the habit of walking. The
general practice was that the sojourner should rise at two o'clock and start at
half past two. He would reach Johannesburg in six to seven hours. The record
for the minimum time taken on the journey was 4 hours 18 minutes.

\par The reader must not imagine that this discipline operated upon the settlers
at all as a hardship. On the other hand it was accepted cheerfully. It would
have been impossible to have a single settler if force had been employed. The
youngsters thoroughly enjoyed the work on the Farm and the errands to the city.
It was difficult to prevent them from playing their pranks while engaged in
work. No more work was given to them than what they willingly and cheerfully
rendered, and I never found that the work thus done was unsatisfactory either
in quantity or in quality.

\par A paragraph may be devoted to our sanitary arrangements. In spite of the
large number of settlers, one could not find refuse or dirt anywhere on the
Farm. All rubbish was buried in trenches sunk for the purpose. No water was
permitted to be thrown on the roads. All waste water was collected in buckets
and used to water the trees. Leavings of food and vegetable refuse were
utilized as manure. A square pit one foot and a half deep was sunk near the
house to receive the nightsoil, witch was fully covered with the excavated
earth and which therefore did not give out any smell. There were no flies, and
no one would imagine that nightsoil had been buried there. We were thus not
only spared a nuisance, but the source of possible nuisance was converted into
invaluable manure for the Farm. If nightsoil was properly utilized, we would
get manure worth lakhs of rupees and also secure immunity from a number of
diseases. By our bad habits we spoil our sacred river banks and furnish
excellent breeding grounds for flies with the result that the very flies which
through our criminal negligence settle upon uncovered nightsoil defile our
bodies after we have bathed. A small spade is the means of salvation from a
great nuisance. Leaving nightsoil, cleaning the nose or spitting on the road is
a sin against God as well as humanity, and betrays a sad want of consideration
for others. The man who does not cover his waste deserves a heavy penalty even
if he lives in a forest.

\par The work before us was to make the Farm a busy hive of industry,
thus to save money and in the end to make the families self-supporting. If we
achieved this goal, we could battle with the Transvaal Government for an
indefinite period. We had to spend some money on shoes. The use of shoes in a
hot climate is harmful, as all the perspiration is absorbed by the feet which
thus grow tender. No socks were needed in the Transvaal as in India, but we
thought that the feet must be protected against thorns, stones and the like. We
therefore determined to learn to make sandals. There is at Mariannhill near
Pinetown a monastery of German Catholic monks called the Trappists, where
industries of this nature are carried on. Mr Kallenbach went there and acquired
the art of making sandals. After he returned, he taught it to me and I in my
turn to other workers. Thus several young men learnt how to manufacture
sandals, and we commenced selling them to friends. I need scarcely say that
many of my pupils easily surpassed me in the art. Another handicraft introduced
was that of carpentry. Having founded a sort of village we needed all manner of
things large and small from benches to boxes, and we made them all ourselves.
The selfless carpenters already referred to helped us for several months. Mr
Kallenbach was the head of the carpentry department, and as such every moment
gave us the evidence of his mastery and exactitude.

\par A school was indispensable for the youngsters and the children.
This was the most difficult of our tasks and we never achieved complete success
in this matter till the very last. The burden of teaching work was largely
borne by Mr Kallenbach and myself. The school could be held only after noon,
when both of us were thoroughly exhausted by our morning labour, and so were
our pupils. The teachers therefore would often be dozing as well as the
taught. We would sprinkle water on the eyes, and by playing with the children
try to pull them up and to pull up ourselves, but sometimes in vain. The body
peremptorily demanded rest and would not take a denial. But this was only one
and the least of our many difficulties. For the classes were conducted in spite
of these dozings. What were we to teach pupils who spoke three languages,
Gujarati, Tamil or Telugu, and how? I was anxious to make these languages the
medium of instructions. I knew a little Tamil but no Telugu. What could one
teacher do in these circumstances? I tried to use some of the young men as
teachers, but the experiment was not altogether a success. Pragji's services
were of course requisitioned. Some of the youngsters were very mischievous and
lazy and were always on bad terms with their books. A teacher could not expect
to make much headway with such pupils. Again we could not be regular in our
teaching. Business sometimes took Mr Kallenbach as well as me to Johannesburg.

\par Religious teaching presented another tough problem. I would like
Musulmans to read the Koran, and Parsis the Avesta. There was one Khoja child,
whose father had laid upon me the responsibility of teaching him a small pothi
of that sect. I collected books bearing on Islam and Zoroastrianism. I wrote
out the fundamental doctrines of Hinduism according to my lights, I forget now
whether it was for my own children or for the Tolstoy Farmers. If this document
was now in my possession, I should have inserted it here as a landmark in my
spiritual progress. But I have thrown away or burnt many such things in my
life. I desstroyed such papers as I felt it was not necessary to preserve them
or as the scope of my activities was extended. I am not sorry for this, as to
have preserved all of them would have been burdensome and expensive. I should
have been compelled to keep cabinets and boxes, which would have been an
eyesore to one who has taken the vow of poverty.

\par But this teaching experiment was not fruitless. The children were saved
from the infection of intolerance, and learnt to view one another's religions
and customs with a large-hearted charity. They learnt how to live together like
blood-brothers. They imbibed the lessons of mutual service, courtesy and
industry. And from what little I know about the later activities of some of the
children on Tolstoy Farm, I am certain that the education which they received
there has not been in vain. Even if imperfect, it was a thoughtful and
religious experiment, and among the sweetest reminiscences of Tolstoy Farm, the
reminiscences of this teaching experiment are no less sweet than the rest.

\par But another chapter must be devoted to these reminiscences.

\chapter{Tolstoy Farm - III}

\par In this chapter I propose to string together a number of Tolstoy Farm
reminiscences which are rather disjointed and for which therefore I must crave
the reader's indulgence.

\par A teacher hardly ever had to teach the kind of heterogeneous
class that fell to my lot, containing as it did pupils of all ages and both the
sexes, from boys and girls of about 7 years of age to young men of twenty and
young girls 12 or 13 years old. Some of the boys were wild and mischievous.

\par What was I to teach this ill-assorted group? How was I to be all
things to all pupils? Again in what language should I talk to all of them? The
Tamil and Telugu children knew their own mother-tongue or English and a little
Dutch. I could speak to them only in English. I divided the class into two
sections, the Gujarati section to be talked to in Gujarati and the rest in
English. As the principal part of the teaching, I arranged to tell or read to
them some interesting stories. I also proposed to bring them into close mutual
contact and to lead them to cultivate a spirit of friendship and service. Then
there was to be imparted some general knowledge of history and geography and in
some cases of arithmetic. Writing was also taught, and so were some bhajans
which formed part of our prayers, and to which therefore I tried to attract the
Tamil children as well.

\par The boys and girls met freely. My experiment of coeducation on
Tolstoy Farm was the most fearless of its type. I dare not today allow, or
train children to enjoy, the liberty which I had granted the Tolstoy Farm
class. I have often felt that my mind then used to be more innocent than it is
now, and that was due perhaps to my ignorance. Since then I have had bitter
experiences, and have sometimes burnt my fingers badly. Persons whom I took to
be thoroughly innocent have turned out corrupt. I have observed the roots of
evil deep down in my own nature; and timidity has claimed me for its own.

\par I do not repent having made the experiment. My conscience bears
witness that it did not do any harm. But as a child who has burnt himself with
hot milk blows even into whey, my present attitude is one of extra caution.

\par A man cannot borrow faith or courage from others. The doubter is marked out
for destruction, as the Gita puts it. My faith and courage were at their
highest in Tolstoy Farm. I have been praying to God to permit me to re-attain
that height, but the prayer has not yet been heard, for the number of such
suppliants before the Great White Throne is legion. The only consolation is
that God has as many ears as there are suppliants. I therefore repose full
faith in Him and know that my prayer will be accepted when I have fitted myself
for such grace.

\par This was my experiment. I sent the boys reputed to be
mischievous and the innocent young girls to bathe in the same spot at the same
time. I had fully explained the duty of self-restraint to the children, who
were all familiar with my Satyagraha doctrine. I knew, and so did the children,
that I loved them with a mother's love. The reader will remember the spring at
some distance from the kitchen. Was it a folly to let the children meet there
for bath and yet to expect them to be innocent? My eye always followed the
girls as a mother's eye would follow a daughter. The time was fixed when all
the boys and all the girls went together for a bath. There was an element of
safety in the fact that they went in a body. Solitude was always avoided.
Generally I also would be at the spring at the same time.

\par All of us slept in an open verandah. The boys and the girls would spread
themselves around me. There was hardly a distance of three feet between any two
beds. Some care was exercised in arranging the order of the beds, but any
amount of such care would have been futile in the case of a wicked mind. I now
see that God alone safeguarded the honour of these boys and girls. I made the
experiment from a belief that boys and girls could thus live together without
harm, and the parents with their boundless faith in me allowed me to make it.

\par One day one of the young men made fun of two girls, and the
girls themselves or some child brought me the information. The news made me
tremble. I made inquiries and found that the report was true. I remonstrated
with the young men, but that was not enough. I wished the two girls to have
some sign on their person as a warning to every young man that no evil eye
might be cast upon them, and as a lesson to every girl that no one dare assail
their purity. The passionate Ravana could not so much as touch Sita with evil
intent while Rama was thousands of miles away. What mark should the girls bear
so as to give them a sense of security and at the same time to sterilize the
sinner's eye? This question kept me awake for the night. In the morning I
gently suggested to the girls that they might let me cut off their fine long
hair. On the Farm we shaved and cut the hair of one another, and we therefore
kept scissors and clipping machines. At first the girls would not listen to me.
I had already explained the situation to the elderly women who could not bear
to think of my suggestion but yet quite understood my motive, and they had
finally accorded their support to me. They were both of them noble girls. One
of them is alas! now no more. She was very bright and intelligent. The other is
living and the mistress of a household of her own. They came round after all,
and at once the very hand that is narrating this incident set to cut off their
hair. And afterwards I analysed and explained my procedure before my class,
with excellent results. I never heard of a joke again. The girls in question
did not lose in any case; goodness knows how much they gained. I hoped the
young men still remember this incident and keep their eyes from sin.

\par Experiments such as I have placed on record are not meant for imitation.
Any teacher who imitated them would be incurring grave risk. I have here taken
note of them only to show how far a man can go in certain circumstances and to
stress the purity of the Satyagraha struggle. This very puirty was a guarantee
of its victory. Before launching on such experiments a teacher has to be both
father and mother to his pupils and to be prepared for all eventualities
whatever, and only the hardest penance can fit him to conduct them.

\par This act of mine was not without its effect on the entire life
of the settlers on the Farm. As we had intended to cut down expenses to the
barest minimum, we changed our dress also. In the cities the Indian men
including the Satyagrahis put on European dress. Such elaborate clothing was
not needed on the Farm. We had all become labourers and therefore put on
labourers' dress but in the European style, viz. workingmen's trousers and
shirts, which were imitated from prisoners' uniform. We all used cheap trousers
and shirts which could be had ready-made out of coarse blue cloth. Most of the
ladies were good hands at sewing and took charge of the tailoring department.

\par As for food we generally had rice, dal, vegetable and rotlis with porridge
occasionally superadded. All this was served in a single dish which was not
really a dish, but a kind of bowl such as is supplied to prisoners in jail. We
had made wooden spoons on the Farm ourselves. There were three meals in the
day. We had bread and home-made wheaten ``coffee''\footnote{A harmless and
nutrition substitute for tea, coffee or cocoa can be prepared as follows. Even
connoisseurs of coffee have failed to perceive any difference in taste between
coffee and this substitute. Bake well-cleaned wheat on the fire, until it has
turned quite red and begun to grow dark in colour. Then powder it like coffee.
Take a spoonful of this powder in a cup and pour boiling water over it.
Preferably keep it over the fire for a minute, and add milk and sugar to taste,
but it can be taken without them also'?from the author's Gujarati booklet on
health, Chapter V. Indian Opinion, XI10, March 8, 1913. V. G. D.} at six
o'clock in the morning, rice, dal and vegetable at eleven, and wheat pap and
milk, or bread and ``coffee'' at half past five in the evening. After the
evening meal we had prayers at seven or half past seven. At prayers we sang
bhajans and sometimes had readings from the Ramayan or books on Islam. The
bhajans were in English, Hindi and Gujarati. Sometimes we had one bhajan [hymn]
from each of the three languages, and sometimes only one. Every one retired at
9 o'clock.

\par Many observed the Ekadashi fast on the Farm. We were joined
there by Shri P. K. Kotval who had much experience of fasting, and some of us
followed him to keep the chaturmas. Ramzan also arrived in the meanwhile. There
were Musulman youngsters among us, and we felt we must encourage them to keep
the fasts. We arranged for them to have meals in the evening as well as in the
early morning. Porridge etc. were prepared for them in the evening. There was
no meat of course, nor did any one ask for it. To keep the Musulman friends
company the rest of us had only one meal a day in the evening. As a rule we
finished our evening meal before sunset; so the only difference was that the
others finished their supper about when the Musulman boys commenced theirs.
These boys were so courteous that they did not put any one to extra trouble
although they were observing fasts, and the fact that the non-Muslim children
supported them in the matter of fasting left a good impression on all. I do not
remember that there ever was a quarrel, much less a split, between the Hindu
and the Musulman boys on the score of religion. On the other hand I know that
although staunch in their own beliefs, they all treated one another with
respect and assisted one another in their respective religious observances.


\par Although we were living far from the amenities of city life, we
did not keep even the commonest appliances against the possible attacks of
illness. I had in those days as much faith in the nature cure of disease as I
had in the innocence of children. I felt that there should not be disease as we
lived a simple life, but if there was, I was confident of dealing with it. My
booklet on health is a notebook of my experiments and of my living faith in
those days. I was proud enough to believe that illness for me was out of the
question. I held that all kinds of diseases could be cured by earth and water
treatment, fasting or changes in diet. There was not a single case of illness
on the Farm, in which we used drugs or called in a doctor. There was an old man
from North India 70 years of age who suffered from asthma and cough, but whom I
cured simply by changes in diet and water .treatment. But I have now lost the
courage, and in view of my two serious illnesses I feel that I have forfeited
even the right, to make such experiments.

\par Gokhale arrived in South Africa while we were still living on the Farm. His
tour must be described in another chapter, but I will place here on record a
half sweet, half bitter reminiscence. The reader has now some idea of the sort
of life we were leading. There was no cot on the Farm, but we borrowed one for
Gokhale. There was no room where he could enjoy full privacy. For sitting
accommodation we had nothing beyond the benches in our school. Even so, how
could we resist the temptation of bringing Gokhale in spite of his delicate
health to the Farm? And how could he help seeing it, either? I was foolish
enough to imagine that Gokhale would be able to put up with a night's
discomfort and to walk about a mile and a half from the station to the Farm. I
had asked him beforehand, and he had agreed to everything without bestowing any
thought upon it, thanks to his simplicity and overwhelming confidence in me. It
rained that day, as fate would have it, and I was not in a position sunddenly
to make any special arrangement. I have never forgotten the trouble to which I
put Gokhale that day in my ignorant affection. The hardship was too much for
him to bear and he caught a chill. We could not take him to the kitchen and
dininghall. He had been put up in Mr Kallenbach's room. His dinner would get
cold while we brought it from the kitchen to his room. I prepared special soup,
and Kotval special bread for him, but these could not be taken to him hot. We
managed as best we could. Gokhale uttered not a syllable, but I understood from
his face what a folly I had committed. When Gokhale came to know that all of us
slept on the floor, he removed the cot which had been brought for him and had
his own bed too spread on the floor. This whole night was a night of repentance
for me. Gokhale had a rule in life which seemed to me a bad rule. He would not
permit any one except a servant to wait upon him. He had no servant with him
during this tour. Mr Kallenbach and I entreated him to let us massage his feet.
But he would not let us even touch him, and half jocularly, half angrily said:
``You all seem to think that you have been born to suffer hardships and
discomforts, and people like myself have been born to be pampered by you. You
must suffer today the punishment for this extremism of yours. I will not let
you even touch me. Do you think that you will go out to attend to nature's
needs and at the same time keep a commode for met I will bear any amount of
hardship but I will humble your pride.'' These words were to us like a
thunderbolt, and deeply grieved Mr Kallenbach and me. The only consolation was,
that Gokhale wore a smile on his face all the while. Krishna no doubts was
often deeply offended by Arjuna, ``unknowing of His majesty and careless in the
fondness of his love,'' but he soon forgot such incidents. Gokhale remembered
only our will to serve, though he did not accord us the high privilege of
serving him. The deeply affectionate letter he wrote me from Mombasa is still
imprinted upon my heart. Gokhale bore everything cheerfully, but till the last
never accepted the service which it was in our power to render. He had to take
the food etc., from our hands, but that he could not help.

\par The next morning he allowed no rest either to himself or to us.
He corrected all his speeches which we proposed to publish in book form. When
he had to write anything, he was in the habit of walking to and fro and
thinking it out. He had to write a small letter and I thought that he would
soon have done with it. But no. As I twitted him upon it, he read me a little
homily: ``You do not know my ways of life. I will not do even the least little
thing in a hurry. I will think about it and consider the central idea. I will
next deliberate as to the language suited to the subject and then set to write.
If every one did as I do, what a huge saving of time would there be?  And the
nation would be saved from the avalanche of half-baked ideas which now
threatens to overwhelm her.''

\par As the reminiscences of Tolstoy Farm would be incomplete without
an account of Gokhale's visit thereto, so would they be if I omitted to say
something about the character and conduct of Mr Kallenbach. It was really a
wonder how he lived on Tolstoy Farm among our people as if he were one of us.
Gokhale was not the man to be attracted by ordinary things. But even he felt
strongly drawn to the revolutionary change in Kallenbach's life. Kallenbach had
been brought up in the lap of luxury and had never known what privation was. In
fact, indulgence had been his religion. He had had his fill of all the
pleasures of life, and he had never hesitated to secure for his comfort
everything that money could buy.

\par It was no commonplace for such a man to live, move and have his being on
Tolstoy Farm, and to become one with the Indian settlers. This was an agreeable
surprise for the Indians. Some Europeans classed Kallenbach either as a fool or
a lunatic, while others honoured him for his spirit of renunciation. Kallenbach
never felt his renunciation to be painful. In fact he enjoyed it even more than
he had enjoyed the pleasures of life before. He would be transported with
rapture while describing the bliss of a simple life, and for a moment his
hearers would be tempted to go in for it. He mixed so lovingly with the young
as well as the old, that separation from him even for a short time left a
clearly felt void in their lives. Mr Kallenbach was very fond of fruit trees
and therefore he reserved gardening as his own portfolio. Every morning he
would engage children as well as grown up people in tending the fruit trees. He
would make them work hard, but he had such a cheerful temper and smiling face,
that every one loved to work with him. Whenever a party of tourists left the
Farm for Johannesburg at 2 a.m., Mr Kallenbach would always be one of them.

\par Mr Kallenbach and I had frequent talks on religion, which usually centred
on fundamentals like non-violence or love, truth and the like. When I said that
it was a sin to kill snakes and such other animals, Mr Kallenbach was shocked
to hear it as well as my numerous other European friends. But in the end he
admitted the truth of that principle in the abstract. At the very beginning of
my intercourse with him, Mr Kallenbach had seen the propriety and the duty of
carrying out in practice every principle of which he was convinced
intellectually, and therefore he had been able to effect momentous changes in
his life without a moment's hesitation. Now if it was improper to kill serpents
and the like, we must cultivate their friendship, thought Mr Kallenbach. He
therefore first collected books on snakes in order to identify different
species of reptiles. He there read that not all snakes are poisonous and some
of them actually serve as protectors of field-crops. He taught us all to
recognize different kinds of snakes and at last tamed a huge cobra which was
found on the Farm. Mr Kallenbach fed it every day with his own hands. I gently
argued with him: ``Although you do all this in a friendly spirit, your
friendliness may not be quite clear to the cobra, especially as your kindness
is not unalloyed with fear. Neither you nor I have the courage to play with it
if it was free, and what we should really cultivate is courage of that stamp.
Therefore though there is friendliness, there is not love in this act of taming
the cobra. Our behaviour should be such that the cobra can see through it. We
see every day that all animals grasp at once whether the other party loves or
fears them. Again you do not think the cobra to be venomous, and have
imprisoned it in order to study its ways and habits. This is a kind of
self-indulgence for which there should be no room in the case of real
friendship.''

\par My argument appealed to Mr Kallenbach, but he could not bring
himself all at once to release the cobra. I did not exercise any pressure upon
him. I too was taking interest in the life of the cobra, and the children, of
course; enjoyed it immensely. No one was allowed to harass the cobra, which
however was casting about for some means of escape. Whether the door of the
cage was inadvertently left open, or whether the cobra managed to open it, in a
couple of days Mr Kallenbach found the cage empty as he one morning proceeded
to call upon his friend. Mr Kallenbach was glad of it and so was I. But thanks
to this taming experiment, snakes became a frequent subject of our talk. Mr
Kallenbach brought to the Farm a poor and disabled German named Albrecht who
was so humpbacked that he could not walk without supporting himself on a stick.
Albrecht had boundless courage, and being an educated man, took deep interest
in recondite problems. He too had become one with the Indian settlers and mixed
freely with all. He began fearlessly to play with snakes. He would bring young
snakes in his hand and let them play on his palm. If our stay on Tolstoy Farm
had been further prolonged, goodness knows what would have been the upshot of
Albrecht's adventures.

\par As a result of these experiments we did not fear snakes as much
as we otherwise might have, but it must nor be supposed that no one on the Farm
feared serpents or that there was a total prohibition against killing them. To
have a conviction that there is violence or sin in a certain course of conduct
is one thing; to have the power of acting up to that conviction is quite
another. A person who fears snakes and who is not ready to resign his own life
cannot avoid killing snakes in case of emergency. I remember one such incident,
which occurred on the Farm. The reader must already have seen that the Farm was
pretty well infested with snakes. There was no human population on he Farm when
we occupied it, and it had been in this deserted condition for some time. One
day a snake was found in Mr Kallenbach's own room at suchre a place that it
seemed impossible to drive it away or to catch it. One of the students saw it,
and calling me there, asked me what was to be done.  He wanted my permission to
kill it. He could have killed it without such permission, but the settlers,
whether students or others, would not generally take such a step without
consulting me. I saw that it was my duty to permit the student to kill the
snake, and I permitted him. Even as I am writing this, I do not feel that I did
anything wrong in granting the permission. I had not the courage to seize the
serpent with the hand or otherwise to remove the danger to the settlers, and I
have not cultivated such courage to this day.

\par Needless to say, there was on the Farm an ebb and flow of
Satyagrahis, some of whom would be expecting to go to prison while others had
been released from it. Once it so happened that there arrived at the Farm two
Satyagrahis who had been released by the Magistrate on personal recognizance
and who had to attend the court the next day to receive the sentence. They were
engrossed in talk, while time was up for the last train they must catch, and it
was a question whether they would succeed in taking that train. They were both
young men and good athlets. They ran for all that they were worth along with
some of us who wanted to see them off. While still on the way, I heard the
whistle of the train as it steamed into the station. When there was a second
whistle indicating its departure, we had reached the precincts of the station.
The young men increased their speed every moment, and I lagged behind them. The
train started. Fortunately the station master saw them running up and stopped
the moving train, thus enabling them to take it after all. I tendered my thanks
to the station master when I reached the station.  Two points emerge out of
this incident; first, the eagerness of the Satyagrahis in seeking jail and in
fulfilling their promises, and secondly, the sweet relations cultivated by the
Satyagrahis with the local officers. If the young men had missed that train,
they could not have attended the court the next day. No surety had been
required of them, nor had they been asked to deposit any money with the court.

They had been released only on the word of gentlemen. The Satyagrahis had
acquired such prestige that magistrates did not think it necessary to ask them
for bail as they were courting jail. The young Satyagrahis therefore were
deeply pained at the prospect of missing the train, and ran as swiftly as the
wind. At the commencement of the struggle Satyagrahis were somewhat harassed by
officials, and the jail authorities in some places were unduly severe. But as
the movement advanced, we found that the bitterness of the officials was
softned and in some cases even changed to intercourse with them, they even
began to assist us like the station master I have referred to. The reader must
not imagine that Satyagrahis bribed these officials in any shape or form in
order to secure amenities from them. The Satyagrahis never thought of
purchasing such irregular facilities. But where facilities were offered through
courtesy, they were freely accepted, and the Satyagrahis had been enjoying such
facilities in many places. If a station master is ill-disposed, he can harass
passengers in a variety of ways, keeping himself all the while within the four
corners of the rules and regulations. No complaint can be preferred against
such harassment. On the other hand if the official is well disposed, he can
grant many facilities without violating the rules. All such facilities we had
been able to secure from the station master, Lawley, and that because of the
courtesy, the patience and the capacity for self-suffering of the Satyagrahis.

\par It will not perhaps be amiss here to take note of an irrelevant
incident. I have been fond for about the last thirty-five years of making
experiments in dietetics from the religious, economic and hygienic standpoints.
This predilection for food reform still persists. People around me would
naturally be influenced by my experiments. Side by side with dietetics, I made
experiments in treating diseases with natural curative agents only such as
earth and water and without recourse to drugs. When I practised as a barrister,
cordial relations were established with my clients so that we looked upon one
another almost as members of the same family. The clients therefore made me a
partner in their joys and sorrows. Some of them sought my advice being familiar
with my experiments in nature cure. Stray patients of this class would
sometimes arrive at Tolstoy Farm. One of these was Lutavan, and aged client who
first came from North India as an indentured labourer. He was over seventy
years old and suffered from chronic asthma and cough. He had given long trials
to vaidyas' powders and doctors' mixtures. In those days I had boundless faith
in the efficacy of my methods of curing disease, and therefore I agreed not
indeed to treat him but to try my experiments upon him if he lived on the Farm
and observed all my conditions. Lutavan complied with my conditions. One of
these was that he should give up tobacco to which he was strongly addicted. I
made him fast for 24 hours. At noon every day I commenced giving him a Kuhne
bath in the sun, as the weather then was not extra warm. For food he had a
little rice, some olive oil, honey, and along with honey, porridge and sweet
oranges some times and at other times grapes and wheaten coffee. Salt and all
condiments whatever were avoided. Lutavan slept in the same building as myself
but in the inner apartment. For bed every one was given two blankets, one for
spreading and the other for covering purposes, and a wooden pillow. A week
passed. There was an accession of energy in Lutavan's body. His asthma and
cough gave less trouble, but he had more fits at night than by day. I suspected
he was smoking secretly, and I asked him if he did. Lutavan said he did not. A
couple of days passed and as still there was no improvement, I determined to
watch Lutavan secretly. Every one slept on the floor, and the place was full of
snakes. Mr Kallenbach had therefore given me an electric torch and kept one
himself. I always slept with this torch by my side. One night I resolved to lie
in the bed awake. My bed was spread on the verandah just near the door, and
Lutavan slept inside but also near the door. Lutavan coughed at midnight,
lighted a cigarette and began to smoke. I slowly went up to his bed and
switched on the torch. Lutavan understood everything and became nervous. He
ceased smoking, stood up and touched my feet.  ``I have done a great wrong,'' he
said. ``I will never smoke again henceforth. I have deceived you. Please excuse
me.'' So saying he almost began to sob. I consoled him and said that it was in
his interest not to smoke. His cough should have been cured according to my
calculations, and when I found that he was still suffering from it, I had
suspected that he was smoking secretly. Lutavan gave up smoking. His asthma and
cough grew less severe in two or three days, and in a month he was perfectly
cured. He was now full of vigour and took his leave of us.

\par The station master's son, a child of two years, had an attack of typhoid.
This gentleman too knew about my curative methods, and sought my advice. On the
first day I gave the child no food at all, and from the second day onwards only
half a banana well mashed with a spoonful of olive oil and a few drops of sweet
orange juice. At night I applied a cold mud poultice to the child's abdomen,
and in this case too my treatment was successful. It is possible that the
doctor's diagnosis was wrong and it was not a case of typhoid.

\par I made many such experiments on the Farm, and I do not remember
to have failed in even a single case. But today I would not venture to employ
the same treatment. I would now shudder to have to give banana and olive oil in
a case of typhoid. In 1918 I had an attack of dysentery myself and I failed to
cure it. And I cannot say to this very day, whether it is due to my want of
selfconfidence or to the difference in climate that the same treatment which
was effective in South Africa is not equally successful in India. But this I
know that the home treatment of diseases and the simplicity of our life on
Tolstoy Farm were responsible for a saving of at least two to three lakhs of
public money. The settlers learned to look upon one another as members of the
same family, the Satyagrahis secured a pure place of refuge, little scope was
left for dishonesty or hypocrisy and the wheat was separated from the tares.
The dietetic experiments thus far detailed were made from a hygienic
standpoint, but I conducted a most important experiment upon myself which was
purely spiritual in its nature.

\par I had pondered deeply and read widely over the question whether
as vegetarians we had any right to take milk. But when I was living on the
Farm, some book or newspaper fell into my hands, in which I read about the
inhuman treatment accorded to cows in Calcutta in order to extract the last
drop of milk from them, and came across a description of the cruel and terrible
process of phuka. I was once discussing with Mr Kallenbach the necessity for
taking milk, and in course of the discussion, I told him about this horrible
practice, pointed out several other spiritual advantages flowing from the
rejection of milk, and observed that it was desirable to give up milk if it was
possible. Mr Kallenbach with his usual spirit of a knighterrant was ready at
once to launch upon the experiment of doing without milk, as he highly approved
of my observations. The same day both he and I gave up milk, and in the end we
came to restrict ourselves to a diet of fresh and dried fruit, having eschewed
all cooked food as well. I may not here go into the later history of this
experiment or tell how it ended, but I may say this, that during five years of
a purely fruitarian life I never felt weak, nor did I suffer from any disease.
Again during the same period I possessed the fullest capacity for bodily
labour, so much so that one day I walked 55 miles on foot, and 40 miles was an
ordinary day's journey for me. I am firmly of opinion that this experiment
yielded excellent spiritual results. It has always been a matter of regret for
me that I was compelled somewhat to modify my fruitarian diet, and if I were
free from my political preoccupations, even at this age of my life and at a
risk to my body I would revert to it today further to explore its spiritual
possibilities. The lack of spiritual insight in doctors and vaidyas has also
been an obstacle in my path.

\par But I must now close this chapter of pleasant and important
reminiscences. Such dangerous experiments could have their place only in a
struggle of which selfpurification was the very essence. Tolstoy Farm proved to
be a centre of spiritual purification and penance for the final campaign. I
have serious doubts as to whether the struggle could have been prosecuted for
eight years, whether we could have secured larger funds, and whether the
thousands of men who participated in the last phase of the struggle would have
borne then their share in it, if there been no Tolstoy Farm. Tolstoy Farm was
never placed in the limelight, yet an institution which deserved it attracted
public sympathy to itself. The Indians saw that the Tolstoy Farmers were doing
what they themselves were not prepared to do and what they looked upon in the
light of hardship. This public confidence was a great asset to the movement
when it was organized afresh on a large scale in 1913. One can never tell
whether such assets give an account of themselves, and if yes, when. But I do
not entertain, and would ask the reader not to entertain, a shadow of a doubt
that such latent assets do in God's good time become patent.

\chapter{Gokhale's Tour}

\par Thus the Satyagrahis were pursuing the even tenor of their life on Tolstoy
Farm, and preparing for whatever the future had in store for them. They did not
know, nor did they care, when the struggle would end. They were only under one
pledge, namely to refuse submission to the Black Act and to suffer whatever
hardships were involved in such disobedience. For a fighter the fight itself is
victory for he takes delight in it alone. And as it rests with him to prosecute
the fight, he believes that victory or defeat, pleasure or pain, depends upon
himself. There is no such word in his dictionary as pain or defeat. In the
words of the Gita pleasure and pain, victory and defeat are the same to him.

\par Stray Satyagrahis now and then went to jail. But when there was
no occasion for going to jail, any one who observed the external activities of
the Farm could hardly believe that Satyagrahis were living there or that they
were preparing for a struggle. When a sceptic happened to visit the Farm, if a
friend he would pity us, and if a critic he would censure us. ``These fellows,''
he would remark, ``have grown lazy and are therefore eating the bread of
idleness in this secluded spot. They are sick of going to jail and are
therefore enjoying themselves in this fruit garden away from the din and roar
of cities.'' How could it be explained to this critic that a Satyagrahi cannot
go to jail by violating the moral law, that his very peacefulness and
self-restraint constitute his preparation for ``war'', and that the Satyagrahi,
bestowing no thought on human help, relies upon God as his sole refuge? Finally
there happened, or God brought to pass, events which no one had expected.  Help
also arrived which was equally unforeseen. The ordeal came all unexpected and
in the end there was achieved a tangible victory which be who ran could read.

\par I had been requesting Gokhale and other leaders to go to South
Africa and to study the condition of the Indian settlers on the spot. But I
doubted whether any of them would really come over. Mr Ritch had been trying to
have some Indian leader visit the subcontinent. But who would dare to go when
the struggle was at a very low ebb? Gokhale was in England in 1911. He was a
student of the struggle in South Africa. He had initiated debates in the
Legislative Council of India and moved a resolution (February 25, 1910) in
favour of prohibiting the recruitment of indentured labour for Natal, which was
carried. I was in communication with him all along. He conferred with the
Secretary of State for India and informed him of his intention to proceed to
South Africa and acquaint himself with the facts of the case at first hand. The
minister approved of Gokhale's mission. Gokhale wrote to me asking me to
arrange a programme for a six weeks' tour and indicating the latest date when
he must leave South Africa. We were simply overjoyed. No Indian leader had been
to South Africa before or for that matter to any other place outside India
where Indians had emigrated, with a view to examine their condition. We
therefore realized the importance of the visit of a great leader like Gokhale
and determined to accord him a reception which even princes might envy and to
take him to the principal cities of South Africa. Satyagrahis and other Indians
alike cheerfully set about making grand preparations of welcome. Europeans were
also invited to join and did generally join the reception. We also resolved
that public meetings should be held in Town Halls wherever possible and the
Mayor of the place should generally occupy the chair if he consented to do so.
We undertook to decorate the principal stations on the railway line and
succeeded in securing the necessay permission in most cases. Such permission is
not usually granted. But our grand preparations impressed the authorities, who
evinced as much sympathy in the matter as they could. For instance, in
Johannesburg alone the decorations at Park Station took us about a fortnight,
including, as they did, a large ornamental arch of welcome designed by Mr
Kallenbach.  In England itself Gokhale had a foretaste of what South Africa was
like. The Secretary of State for India had informed the Union Government of
Gokhale's high rank, his position in the empire etc. But who would think of
booking his passage or reserving a good cabin for him? Gokhale had such
delicate health that he needed a comfortable cabin where he could enjoy some
privacy. The authorities of the Steamship Company roundly stated that there was
no such cabin. I do not quite remember whether it was Gokhale or some friend of
his who informed the India Office about this. A letter was addressed from the
India Office to the directors of the Company and the best cabin was placed at
Gokhale's disposal while none was available before. Good came out of this
initial evil. The captain of the steamer received instructions to treat Gokhale
well, and consequently he had a happy and peaceful voyage to South Africa.
Gokhale was as jolly and humorous as he was serious. He participated in the
various games and amusements on the steamer, and thus became very popular among
his fellow passengers. The Union Government offered Gokhale their hospitality
during his stay at Pretoria and placed the State railway saloon at his
disposal. He consulted me on the point and then accepted the offer.

Gokhale landed at Cape Town on October 22, 1912. His health was
very much more delicate than I had expected. He restricted himself to a
particular diet, and he could not endure much fatigue. The programme I had
framed was much too heavy for him, and I therefore cut it down as far as
possible. Gokhale was ready to go through the whole programme as it originally
stood if no modification was possible. I deeply repented of my folly in drawing
up an onerous programme without consulting him. Some changes were made, but
much had to be left as it was. I had not grasped the necessity of securing
absolute privacy for Gokhale, and I had the greatest difficulty in securing it.
Still I must in all humility state in the interests of truth that as I was fond
of and proficient in waiting upon the sick and the elderly, as soon as I had
realized my folly I revised all the arrangements so as to be able to give
Gokhale great privacy and peace. I acted as his secretary throughout the tour.
The volunteers, one of whom was Mr Kallenbach, were wide awake, and I do not
think Gokhale underwent any discomfort or hardship for want of help. It was
clear that we should have a great meeting in Cape Town. I have already written
about the Schreiners. I requested Senator W. P. Schreiner, the head of that
illustrious family, to take the chair on the occasion and he was good enough to
consent. There was a big meeting attended by a large number of Indians and
Europeans. Mr Schreiner welcomed Gokhale in well chosen words and expressed his
sympathy with the Indians of South Africa. Gokhale made a speech, concise, full
of sound judgment, firm but courteous, which pleased the Indians and fascinated
the Europeans. In fact Gokhale won the hearts of the variegated people of South
Africa on the very day that he set foot on South African soil.

\par From Cape Town Gokhale was to go to Johannesburg by a railway
journey of two days. The Transvaal was the the field of battle. As we went from
Cape Town, the first large frontier station of the Transvaal was Klerksdorp. As
each of these places had a considerable population of Indians, Gokhale had to
stop and attend a meeting at Klerksdorp, as well as at the intermediate
stations of Potchefstroom and Krugersdorp, between Klerksdorp and Johannesburg.
He therefore left Klerksdorp by a special train. The Mayors of these places
presided at the meetings, and at none of the stations did the train halt longer
than one or two hours. The train reached Johannesburg punctually to the
miniute. On the platform there was a dais specially erected for the occasion
and covered with rich carpets. Along with other Europeans there was present Mr
Ellis the Mayor of Johannesburg who placed his car at Gokhale's disposal during
his stay in the Golden City. An address was presented to Gokhale on the station
itself. Addresses had of course been presented to him everywhere. The
Johannesburg address was engraved on a solid heart-shaped plate of gold from
the Rand mounted on Rhodesian teak. On the plate was a map of India and Ceylon
and it was flanked on either side by two gold tablets, one bearing an
illustration of the Taj Mahal and the other a characteristic Indian scene.
Indian scenes were also beautifully carved on the woodwork. Introducing all
present to Gokhale, reading the address, the reply, and receiving other
addresses which were taken as read, all this did not take more than twenty
minutes. The address was short enough to be read in five minutes. Gokhale's
reply did not occupy more than another five minutes. The volunteers maintained
such excellent order, that there were no more persons on the platform than it
was expected easily to accommodate. There was no noise. There was a huge crowd
outside; yet no one was at all hampered in coming and going.

\par Gokhale was put up in a fine house belonging to Mr Kallenbach
perched on a hill top five miles from Johannnesburg. Gokhale liked the place
immensely as the scenery there was pleasant, the atmosphere soothing, and the
house though simple was full of art. A special office was hired in the city for
Gokhale to receive all visitors, where were three rooms, a private chamber for
Gokhale, a drawing room, and a waiting room for visitors. Gokhale was taken to
make private calls upon some distinguished men in the city. A private meeting
of leading Europeans was organized so as to give Gokhale a thorough
understanding of their standpoint. Besides this a banquet was held in Gokhale's
honour to which were invited 400 persons including about 150 Europeans. Indians
were admitted by tickets. costing, a guinea each, an arrangement which enabled
us to meet the expenses of the banquet. The menu was purely vegetarian and
there were no wines. The cooking was attended to by volunteers. It is difficult
to give an adequate idea of this here. Hindus and Musulmans in South Africa do
not observe restrictions as to interdining. But the vegetarians do not take
meat. Some of the Indians were Christians, with whom I was as intimate as with
the rest. These Christians are mostly the descendants of indentured labourers
and many of them make their living by serving in hotels as waiters. It was with
the assistance of these latter that culinary arrangements could be made on such
a large scale with about 15 items on the bill of fare. It was a novel and
wonderful experience for the Europeans of South Africa to sit at dinner with so
many Indians on the same table, to have a purely vegetarian menu and to do
without wines altogether. For many of them all the three features were new
while two features were new for all.

\par To this gathering Gokhale addressed his longest and most important speech
in South Africa. In preparing this speech he subjected us to a very full
examination. He declared that it had been his lifelong practice not to
disregard the standpoint of local men and even to try to meet it as far as it
was in his power, and therefore he asked me what I would like him to say from
my own point of view. I was to put this on paper and undertake not to be
offended even if he did not utilize a single word or idea from my draft, which
should be neither too short nor too long, and yet which should not omit a
single point of any consequence. I may say at once that Gokhale did not make
any use of my language at all. Indeed I would never expect such a master of the
English language as Gokhale was to take up my phraseology. I cannot even say
that Gokhale adopted my ideas. But as he acknowledged the importance of my
views, I took it for granted that he must have somehow incorporated my ideas
into his utterances. Indeed Gokhale's train of thought was such, that one could
never tell whether or not any room had there been allowed to one's own ideas. I
listened to every speech made by Gokhale, but I do not remember a single
occasion when I could have wished that he had not expressed a certain idea or
had omitted a certain adjective. The clearness, firmness and urbanity of
Gokhale's utterances flowed from his indefatigable labour and unswerving
devotion to truth.

\par In Johannesburg we also had to hold a mass meeting of Indians
only. I have always insisted on speaking either in the mother tongue or else in
Hindustani, the lingua franca of India, and thanks to this insistence I have
had much facility in establishing close relations with the Indians in South
Africa. I was therefore anxious that Gokhale too should speak to the Indians in
Hindustani. I was aware of Gokhale's views on the subject. Broken Hindi would
not do for him, and therefore he would speak either in Marathi or in English.
It seemed artificial to him to speak in Marathi in South Africa and even if he
did speak in Marathi, his speech would have to be translated into Hindustani
for the benefit of Gujarati and North Indian members of the audience. And that
being so, where was the harm if he spoke in English? Fortunately for me, I had
one argument which Gokhale would accept as conclusive in favour of his making a
Marathi speech. There were many Konkani Musulmans as well as a few Maharashtra
Hindus in Johannesburg, all of whom were eager to hear Gokhale speak in
Marathi, and who had asked me to request Gokhale to speak in their mother
tongue. I told Gokhale that these friends would be highly pleased if he spoke
in Marathi and I would translate his Marathi into Hindustani. Gokhale burst
into laughter and said, ``I have quite fathomed your knowledge of Hindustani,
and accomplishment upon which you cannot exactly be congratulated. But now you
propose to translate Marathi into Hindustani. May I know where you acquired
such profound knowledge of Marathi?'' I replied, ``What is true of my Hindustani
is equally true of my Marathi. I cannot speak a single word of Marathi, but I
am confident of gathering the purport of your Marathi speech on a subject with
which I am familiar. In any case you will see that I do not misinterpret you to
the people. There are others well versed in Marathi, who could act as your
interpreters. But you will not perhaps approve of such arrangement. So please
bear with me and do speak in Marathi. I too am desirous of hearing your Marathi
speech in common with the Konkani friends.'' ``You will always have your own
way,'' said Gokhale. ``And there is no help for me as I am here at your mercy.''
So saying Gokhale fell in with my suggestion, and from this point onwards right
up to Zanzibar he always spoke in Marathi at similar meetings and I served as
translator by special appointment to him. I do not know if I was able to bring
Gokhale round to the view, that rather than speak in perfect idiomatic English
it was more desirable to speak as far as may be in the mother tongue and even
in broken ungrammatical Hindi.  But I do know that if only to please me he
spoke in Marathi in South Africa. After he had made some speeches, I could see
that he too was gratified by the results of the experiment. Gokhale by his
conduct on many occasions in South Africa showed that there was merit in
pleasing one's followers in cases not involving a question of principle.

\chapter{Gokhale's Tour}

\begin{center}
\Huge{(Concluded)}
\end{center}
\vspace{4ex}

\par After Johannesburg Gokhale visited Natal and then proceeded to
Pret